Here, we carry-over an ongoing topic on "Getting to Know Ancient Egyptian Art". This section will deal with certain codes which artists appear to have adhered to. These are recurring themes that appear to have then been timeless, in that they spanned several Dynasties despite new artistic styles sanctioned by succeeding rulers.
Showing posts with label Nehesu. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nehesu. Show all posts
Tuesday, December 21, 2010
Sunday, July 12, 2009
Nehesu: What does It Mean?
For those who have ever been part of a Nile Valley discussion, the word "Nehesu" is a familiar one. However, this word seems to be shrouded in a bit of mystery, as far as its precise meaning is concerned. One thing is certain about it, in that it was generally referenced towards groups beyond Kmtnwt's (Dynastic Egypt) southern boarder, particularly beyond where lower Ta Seti lay. Several guesswork have taken place over the years, about its most purportedly-plausible meanings; however, these appear to be just that — guesswork. This includes the reported Budge translation of the term to "Negroes" , and other translation efforts which place the word as a term supposedly commonly associated with "slaves", "Negro" slaves. See for example, the following pieces:
Speaking of which, some personal notes of the present author [of the blog] were made on discussion boards a few years back, mid-2005 to be precise:
Nhsw
Various folks connect it with "race", in particular "black" or "negro". On that note, it appears that there were/are proponents out there, however very few, who have tried to associate the term with some sort of a "hamitic" race, or what is supposedly "non-Negroid" black folks. As such, the word "nuhas", which denotes "copper", has been used to hypothesize that, the Nehesu were likely named after their “copper toned skin”, and in the terms of these advocates, this would mean "copper skin caucasoids"; not much different from how some folks here refer to “brown”, as a way to runaway from having to say ‘black’.
To my understanding, this word has been documented in the Old Kingdom, and it appeared that early Egyptian artwork used it in connection with "southerners", who were painted in the same brown skin tones as Kemetians. But then, in the Middle, Second Intermediate and New Kingdoms, it was applied to "southerners", who were depicted in varying colors from reddish brown to pitch black, including various dress styles, hair styles or wigs, and varying facial features. Aside from the “southerners”, I am not aware of the application of “Nhsw” to any other people.
Again, turning to languages still spoken in the region, like the Beja, various words have been utilized in hypothesizing possible origins of words, and their meanings. As an example, a Beja word “nehas”, which is understood as ‘being pure”, has been used in this manner. There is at least one perspective of connecting the word with a possible Kemetian viewpoint of their southern roots, i.e., their “pure” ancestors [pure, as in less foreign admixture], whereby this was looked at in relative terms, not absolute.
At the time these notes were presented, one opinion on the matter went like this, by a third party observer:
bonjour,
I think Nhsy's were a tribe or group of people linked together by rituals different from other parts of "deeper" Africa, who derived ntrws to animalism, totetism, etc….. whereas the Nhsy were praising a lot and praying, could be circumcising their children, because of the hieroglyphic spelling of the name, if you decorticate, you will have in prayer, n-Hst, hsi to praise,n-hsy or the ones in praising just my take on this.
If you look at the glyphs, you will see why i feel that way, the rope the walking stick, (moving tribes materials) and the rebel sign, the man with his hands behind his back, no! if i make any connection to Moses i will be fired.
but then i may be complètement à côté de la plaque.
sw
Of course then, the feedback offered by the present author was to the effect of:
I've heard this one too, along the lines of, 'being praised by God or a god', or 'the chosen people'...by God. This is supposed to be what the 'hsy' or 'hsw' in 'Nhsw' signifies, from this viewpoint.
But getting back to the glyphs presented above, at least one translation given to a variant of "Nehesu" was "peasant" — that Mdu Ntr term in particular, was "Nehi"; see the glyphs again:
Click for hi resolution
Click for hi resolution
Click on the images for hi resolution.
Speaking of which, some personal notes of the present author [of the blog] were made on discussion boards a few years back, mid-2005 to be precise:
Nhsw
Various folks connect it with "race", in particular "black" or "negro". On that note, it appears that there were/are proponents out there, however very few, who have tried to associate the term with some sort of a "hamitic" race, or what is supposedly "non-Negroid" black folks. As such, the word "nuhas", which denotes "copper", has been used to hypothesize that, the Nehesu were likely named after their “copper toned skin”, and in the terms of these advocates, this would mean "copper skin caucasoids"; not much different from how some folks here refer to “brown”, as a way to runaway from having to say ‘black’.
To my understanding, this word has been documented in the Old Kingdom, and it appeared that early Egyptian artwork used it in connection with "southerners", who were painted in the same brown skin tones as Kemetians. But then, in the Middle, Second Intermediate and New Kingdoms, it was applied to "southerners", who were depicted in varying colors from reddish brown to pitch black, including various dress styles, hair styles or wigs, and varying facial features. Aside from the “southerners”, I am not aware of the application of “Nhsw” to any other people.
Again, turning to languages still spoken in the region, like the Beja, various words have been utilized in hypothesizing possible origins of words, and their meanings. As an example, a Beja word “nehas”, which is understood as ‘being pure”, has been used in this manner. There is at least one perspective of connecting the word with a possible Kemetian viewpoint of their southern roots, i.e., their “pure” ancestors [pure, as in less foreign admixture], whereby this was looked at in relative terms, not absolute.
At the time these notes were presented, one opinion on the matter went like this, by a third party observer:
bonjour,
I think Nhsy's were a tribe or group of people linked together by rituals different from other parts of "deeper" Africa, who derived ntrws to animalism, totetism, etc….. whereas the Nhsy were praising a lot and praying, could be circumcising their children, because of the hieroglyphic spelling of the name, if you decorticate, you will have in prayer, n-Hst, hsi to praise,n-hsy or the ones in praising just my take on this.
If you look at the glyphs, you will see why i feel that way, the rope the walking stick, (moving tribes materials) and the rebel sign, the man with his hands behind his back, no! if i make any connection to Moses i will be fired.
but then i may be complètement à côté de la plaque.
sw
Of course then, the feedback offered by the present author was to the effect of:
I've heard this one too, along the lines of, 'being praised by God or a god', or 'the chosen people'...by God. This is supposed to be what the 'hsy' or 'hsw' in 'Nhsw' signifies, from this viewpoint.
But getting back to the glyphs presented above, at least one translation given to a variant of "Nehesu" was "peasant" — that Mdu Ntr term in particular, was "Nehi"; see the glyphs again:
Along those lines, an effort was made by a third party advocate to tie "Nehesu" with a string of distinct nouns generally of a 'pejorative' connotation...
Click for hi resolution
The above was for instance, described and translated in the following manner:
...and this was a name of a 13th Dynasty Pharaoh .
Note that his Nsu Biti title contains the determinative for "Barbarian" - his SaRe title merely lists him as "Nahasi" - which I interpret as "The Barbarian" - a synonym in Mtau Ntr for "Peasant, supplicant, worthless ..."
The Greeks would later borrow this ideological terminolgy: Barbarian, for any people who were not Greeks...
The translation no doubt raises a red flag instantly, if for nothing else than the odds of a King, a figure who is generally quite protective of or guarded and sensitive about his image both during life and after death, allowing himself to be identified by anything that is synonymous with "worthless", unless of course, it was a case of some sort of "commemorative" gesture of ridicule bestowed upon him by a successor who despised him and sought to have history remember him in a soiled or less-than-flattering image?
While these various above-mentioned translations — bearing either pejorative connotations to them or else less-than-flattering air to them — were being offered, another set of meanings was being simultaneously offered for "Nehesu (Nehesw)" by the said third party, hence presenting sets of lexicons at odds with one another, at least in so far as conventional thinking goes; see for example, allegedly based off material cited from a Budge authored dictionary:
Nhsj (Nahasi)- a Sudanese man
Nhsj.t (Nahasit) - a Sudanese woman
Nhsjw (Nahasou)- Sudanese; southerners in general
Nhsjw (Nahasou)- The Sudanese tribes in the Tuat, the results of the masturbation of Ra.
The way it's written
Most words in the Mdw Ntr that began with the letter "n" were written with the hieroglyph of a water ripple; the word "Nhsjw" was written using the 'Guinea-fowl' glyph with the pronunciation being "Nh;Neh;Nah" - very few words began with this 'letter.'
...
In Budge's dictionary, alongside the word "Nehsi" there are additional hieroglyphics showing the different ways of writing the "Nehsi" in the plural. What interests us here is the following example:
Hieroglyphic:
(throw stick)+ s + (sedge plant) + "ou"
--The "throw stick" can be either a determinative; an ideogram; or a phonogram "rs" or "Aa"; at the beginning of a sentence it's a phonogram (and probably also an ideogram which indicates "foreign".)
--The "sedge" hieroglyph ("(n)su; sut") indicates the south; ie;Upper Egypt, Sudan...
So we have "rs"+ "s" + "su" or "Resou" which means "southerners" with the use of the "throw stick" to indicate "foreign southerners"; the same as it is used in the word "Aamu" to indicate "(foreigners)Asiatics"...
:essentially all non-Egyptian peoples in the south; "strangers"
......................
There's one Pharaoh that I came across while reading "Egyptian Language: Easy Lessons in Egyptian Hieroglyphics by EWB". If I recall correctly, the example text was from the "Stelae of Pa-Nahesi" (25th Dynasty?).
I personally think that the title "Pa Nahasi" was a self-deprecating play on words that would imply something like the Pharaoh calling himself "The Barbarian!" or "The Stranger!" - literally it means "The Sudani man". (not "The Nubian")
At the very least, these highly divergent translations of the term underlie the highly speculative nature of the translation efforts that have approached the term over the years.
Click for hi resolution
Furthermore, in reference to the cartouche [reposted immediately above] allegedly bearing a pharoah's name, which has "Nahasi" in it, it is simplistic to take "Nehesw" as "stranger", for if that were the case, there would be no need for a determinative/ideogram suggestive of "foreigner" in say, the first cartouche. That determinative is there, precisely to modify the meaning of the noun in question.
And as noted a few notes ago, one of the reasons for reposting extracts from an old internet boardroom discussion, "Nehesw" seemed particularly reserved for groups from beyond Kemet's (Dynastic Egypt) southern border; it wasn't applied to those in Kmtnwt's east, north or west, as far as recollection allows. Thus 'Nehesw' has got to be more than a synonym for "stranger", or its Greek equivalent of "barbarian" which is not reserved for any one group or territory, as the former appears to be. The precise meaning of the term continues to be uncertain, but what is clear in the meantime, is that neither "negro", "worthless", "peasant", "stranger", "Nubian" which is a Roman corruption of a Nile Valley term that was used in markedly different context from that of the Romans and their 'contemporary' European imitators of the word, nor "Sudan" — which is a fairly modern construct, cut it, as far as logical interpretation goes for reasons gone over. As such, this leaves a space here that calls for watching-out for future developments, in both the not-so-distant and distant future!
...and this was a name of a 13th Dynasty Pharaoh .
Note that his Nsu Biti title contains the determinative for "Barbarian" - his SaRe title merely lists him as "Nahasi" - which I interpret as "The Barbarian" - a synonym in Mtau Ntr for "Peasant, supplicant, worthless ..."
The Greeks would later borrow this ideological terminolgy: Barbarian, for any people who were not Greeks...
The translation no doubt raises a red flag instantly, if for nothing else than the odds of a King, a figure who is generally quite protective of or guarded and sensitive about his image both during life and after death, allowing himself to be identified by anything that is synonymous with "worthless", unless of course, it was a case of some sort of "commemorative" gesture of ridicule bestowed upon him by a successor who despised him and sought to have history remember him in a soiled or less-than-flattering image?
While these various above-mentioned translations — bearing either pejorative connotations to them or else less-than-flattering air to them — were being offered, another set of meanings was being simultaneously offered for "Nehesu (Nehesw)" by the said third party, hence presenting sets of lexicons at odds with one another, at least in so far as conventional thinking goes; see for example, allegedly based off material cited from a Budge authored dictionary:
Nhsj (Nahasi)- a Sudanese man
Nhsj.t (Nahasit) - a Sudanese woman
Nhsjw (Nahasou)- Sudanese; southerners in general
Nhsjw (Nahasou)- The Sudanese tribes in the Tuat, the results of the masturbation of Ra.
The way it's written
Most words in the Mdw Ntr that began with the letter "n" were written with the hieroglyph of a water ripple; the word "Nhsjw" was written using the 'Guinea-fowl' glyph with the pronunciation being "Nh;Neh;Nah" - very few words began with this 'letter.'
...
In Budge's dictionary, alongside the word "Nehsi" there are additional hieroglyphics showing the different ways of writing the "Nehsi" in the plural. What interests us here is the following example:
Hieroglyphic:
(throw stick)+ s + (sedge plant) + "ou"
--The "throw stick" can be either a determinative; an ideogram; or a phonogram "rs" or "Aa"; at the beginning of a sentence it's a phonogram (and probably also an ideogram which indicates "foreign".)
--The "sedge" hieroglyph ("(n)su; sut") indicates the south; ie;Upper Egypt, Sudan...
So we have "rs"+ "s" + "su" or "Resou" which means "southerners" with the use of the "throw stick" to indicate "foreign southerners"; the same as it is used in the word "Aamu" to indicate "(foreigners)Asiatics"...
:essentially all non-Egyptian peoples in the south; "strangers"
......................
There's one Pharaoh that I came across while reading "Egyptian Language: Easy Lessons in Egyptian Hieroglyphics by EWB". If I recall correctly, the example text was from the "Stelae of Pa-Nahesi" (25th Dynasty?).
I personally think that the title "Pa Nahasi" was a self-deprecating play on words that would imply something like the Pharaoh calling himself "The Barbarian!" or "The Stranger!" - literally it means "The Sudani man". (not "The Nubian")
At the very least, these highly divergent translations of the term underlie the highly speculative nature of the translation efforts that have approached the term over the years.
Click for hi resolution
Furthermore, in reference to the cartouche [reposted immediately above] allegedly bearing a pharoah's name, which has "Nahasi" in it, it is simplistic to take "Nehesw" as "stranger", for if that were the case, there would be no need for a determinative/ideogram suggestive of "foreigner" in say, the first cartouche. That determinative is there, precisely to modify the meaning of the noun in question.
And as noted a few notes ago, one of the reasons for reposting extracts from an old internet boardroom discussion, "Nehesw" seemed particularly reserved for groups from beyond Kemet's (Dynastic Egypt) southern border; it wasn't applied to those in Kmtnwt's east, north or west, as far as recollection allows. Thus 'Nehesw' has got to be more than a synonym for "stranger", or its Greek equivalent of "barbarian" which is not reserved for any one group or territory, as the former appears to be. The precise meaning of the term continues to be uncertain, but what is clear in the meantime, is that neither "negro", "worthless", "peasant", "stranger", "Nubian" which is a Roman corruption of a Nile Valley term that was used in markedly different context from that of the Romans and their 'contemporary' European imitators of the word, nor "Sudan" — which is a fairly modern construct, cut it, as far as logical interpretation goes for reasons gone over. As such, this leaves a space here that calls for watching-out for future developments, in both the not-so-distant and distant future!
Friday, December 5, 2008
The Kmt-famed Pwnt ("Punt"): Exactly where was it located!
The name "Pwnt", known by many in the "West" as "Punt", has come to us by Kemetic accounts and legends of journeys to this exotic land, generally given an air of veneration, i.e. ancestral veneration, one perhaps predicated on the idea of distant ancestors coming from the south. One sees recurring themes of this air of respect in both wall reliefs depicting journeys to and descriptions invoked legends around this 'exotic' land. Without these accounts, all else about this land would have been lost to us, at least in so far as we now know it—as "Pwnt", as it only appears by that moniker in Kemetic records; no actual scripts of the "Puntites" have been uncovered in archaeological areas "of interest", that researchers suspect, again from Kemetic descriptions, to have hosted the community of "Pwnt" that we all have heard time and again about from Kemetians. Because of this, the precise whereabouts of "Pwnt" remains mysterious to some degree; if Kemetic descriptions have provided a hint that narrows down the most plausible general location, then the same cannot be said about either the precise location of the center of administration or the territorial extent of "Pwnt". This leaves the "Land of Punt" becoming a subject of speculation and debate. One recurring theme in debates, is the physiological appearance of 'Pwnt' occupants on wall reliefs. That aside, other groups are invoked in the "Land of Punt". The following is a well known snapshot of a disfigured wall relief painting that has seen much circulation on the web:
Snapshots like that above have been used to reach the conclusion that the "Puntites" had a single physiological appearance, wherein the facial characteristics resembled that conventionally applied to Kemetic figures or personalities; in a word, "Puntites" seemingly lacked intra-population diversity. Some discussants have used this as proof that "Puntites" must have lived on the Red Sea coast of Africa or the African Horn, as if to suggest that diversity does not occur in that region itself. Other images though, don't paint a picture quite so simplistic; they show occupants in and around "Punt" that present an air of diversity about the region. An example of this can be seen below:
(click for hi resolution)
The old Them "Negroes" or "Nubians" aspect of the aforementioned subject of speculation and debate...
The resolution of the repro above apparently isn't high enough, but closer examination [click on the image above] shows that the four beardless kneeling figures for instance, on the topmost upper far right hand side, have facial characteristics distinct from figures that follow them [as well as the four kneeling figures immediately below them], whom in turn at least differ in clothing styles and other gear. Some have explained off this "anomalous" situation by suggesting that they happen to be "Nubians". One proponent in this regard is Jack Phillip, whom in his reproduced wall relief renditions, as provided below, deduces that the said beardless kneeling figures on the upper right hand side of the image must be "Nubians"; Phillip's motivation and basis for this apparently comes respectively, from the curiosity inspired by the apparent diversity in the wall relief in question, and in a zeal to explain off the distinctive facial characteristics of said kneeling figures relative to the bearded counterparts, he sought to find the answer in the Mdu-Ntr accompanying the figures, which reads in hieroglyphic signs as follows; n - m - j - w . Hence, Phillip reads "Nmjw" as "Nubians"; it matters not, if these folks were occupants of Kush or in regions between Kemet's southern nome and Kush, which "Western" scholars have traditionally and indiscriminately called "Nubia" even though such a geographical or political entity never actually existed, or yet, they were a segment of populations inhabiting the so-called land of "Punt". It is convenient for Phillip to do so, because in traditional "Western" discourse "Nubian" is essentially tantamount "Forest Negro" archetype, that is to say—any occupants along the Nile Valley that are deemed to not facially meet the "caucasoid" archetype. Hence, "Nubian" in this context is more than just a Eurocentric-created geographical moniker. Now of course, there is also another glyph accompanying the figures immediately below the two figures [whom Phillip says are "Nubians"], but their faces appear to have disappeared in a disfigured area of the wall relief; this glyph is apparently distinct from the one just read as "Nmjw"; it is relatively hard to make the words out there, save to say that the glyphs for either "ir" or simply an ideogram for "see, observe, or watch", followed by "m", and then what appears to be the determinative for "lake" [at the least], are visible. Is this another name yet for "Nubians"? Well, no word on that yet.
Courtesy of Jack Phillip, Punt and Aksum,...
Looking at that close-up repro above, are another set of four kneeling figures; this time bearded, and are right below the figures whom Phillip deems to be "Nubians". Aside from their beards, these kneeling figures have a relatively more "generalized" [facial] appearance relative to the remainder of personalities in this snapshot repro of the larger wall relief. Accompanying the bearded kneeling figure at the bottom end, on the far right, are glyphs that read respectively, p - wn - n - t + determinative for land. Right above this hieroglyphic ensemble of "Pwnnt", which is generally read as simply "Pwnt", there are recurring glyphs of three birds followed by some hard-to-make-out signs [due to bad resolution of the images]. These could perhaps either be ideograms presenting an air of "subordination" of the kneeling figures, or else some yet-to-be sort out word; the [bird] glyphs themselves are usually associated with the letters "wr".
The first figure immediately following the kneeling beardless [Phillip's "Nubians"] figures on the top half of the image above, appears to have no goatee, and has a relatively more rounded and short [light toned] wig(?). On the bottom half of the same image, again the first personality immediately following the four kneeling figures, i.e. the bearded ones, sports a relatively short & round wig(?) that is distinct from both the kneeling figures preceding him from the right hand side, and the figures following him, who sport longer wigs (hair) with head bands; moreover, he is wearing a loincloth-garment that is stylistically distinct from those of the figures behind and in front of him, and has a goatee that is relatively shorter than those of said figures to his either side. His distinctive "short" goatee also sets him apart from the aforementioned standing figure immediately above him, who sports no goatee. It's also necessary to note the stylistic differences between the last three bearded standing figures on the bottom section/register of the image, from the left hand side; the one on the far left, holding the leash of a baboon [we will later examine the exotic animals], has a loincloth-garment (Schenti) that sports a two-pronged strap of cloth draped from the waist over the genital area that we generally see on "Puntite" figures in other images, but the two fellows immediately preceding him, sport the "one piece" strap of cloth draped from the waist over the genital area. Is this just a matter of garment variety in 'Pwnt', a matter of social-class distinctions, or a matter of ethnic distinction? This deserves to be examined.
Some interpret this one occasion as an "anomaly", in its supposed depiction of what some deem "Negroid" characters; however, it is not alone in displaying diversity in imagery associated with 'Pwnt'; take the image below, for instance:
Once again in the above, we come across figures not only displaying a variety of garments, but also apparent physiological diversity. The distinctive plants generally invoked in imagery of the exotic land of "Pwnt" recur here; in particular, the "palm-tree" looking plants and the stunted "tree-like" plants sporting "dome-looking" branch-leaf ensembles on top of their trunks [possibly myrrh trees], or alternatively, the latter type of plants could be compared in shape to a spade. Also, hard not to notice as a recurring theme, is the "dome-topped" architecture or dwelling of some sort, usually with small ladder placed against an opening carved into that dome-like top; this [recurring] architecture seems to be a distinctive feature of the "Land of Punt". We will see these themes again in other imagery associated with 'Pwnnt' or 'Pwnt'. When finally coming to terms with recurring themes of diversity, at least in so far as diversity actually exists in imagery associated with 'Pwnnt/Pwnt', what is the next predictable recourse of some ideologically-inflexible dogmatists in explaining the apparent diversity? Yes, you guessed it: the 'Pwnt' occupants who do not meet their "ideal" perception of who the "Puntites" ought to or should be, and these are occupants who are inclined to also be dismissed as "Negroids, Negroes or black Africans" in some quarters, are branded as "slaves"; of course, these are claims with no textual or primary Kemetic support to them—suggesting that one group of 'Pwnt' occupants here are slaves and the other are just 'freely-living' locals. It is the old answer to the "Negro" question; if their presence cannot be explained as merely that of the "foreigner" in the land under discussion, then they must surely be "slaves". In what can only elicit one's amusement, one forum discussant went as far as invoking 'slavery' in Ethiopia back in ca. 4th century, presumably as his idea of evidence for said claim, concerning wall relief renditions that are dated substantially well before the common era. Some of these ideologues, in a halfhearted attempt to partake in what to them essentially allows them self-expression in a 'politically correct' way, replace "Negroes" with "Nubians" when it comes to dealing with Nile Valley affairs. Adolf Erman presents an interesting case, wherein he acknowledges not only the idea of "Negroes of Punt", but also sees the latter as "natives of "Punt"; careful examination of this at first glance, tells one that this is predicated on the notion that there are presumably people of other ethnicity or "races" who are also natives of "Punt". Indeed, the context of this should be placed within Erman's perception of "Punt" as more of a generalized geographical descriptive that spans the tropical Red coast regions of Africa and coastal portions of southern Arabia [the geographical and political question will follow here soon], rather than a name of a specific centralized state or polity. Here is a copy of paper citing such references by Erman:
In the same image [scenary of goods being carried in 'Pwnt'] above, reproduced [in black and white below] in Jack Phillip's work, we come across the following:
Click on the image for hi resolution.
In the same image [scenary of goods being carried in 'Pwnt'] above, reproduced [in black and white below] in Jack Phillip's work, we come across the following:
Noticeably absent in Phillip's repro, is the third piece in the colored version of the image above, on the right hand side, with a very dark-skinned worker holding the leash of a dog or else a "dog-like" animal in one hand, and carrying a shaft of some sort on his shoulder. Alternatively, the colored image above, does not display the "c" piece in Phillip's repro, but it is taken into account elsewhere 'separately'. Could this be indicative of one of the factors behind Phillip's [seemingly] overlooking the diversity in imagery associated with 'Pwnt', and instead, consider the people he sees as "Negroid" in appearance [though doesn't necessarily have to say it out loud] to be "Nubians"? If Phillip's repro doesn't exactly show the big picture of the actual diversity seen in the wall relief, then it may be relatively easy for him to assume [or yet, play it off] that the said renditions don't exist, and hence, overlook them. Under such a circumstance, any "Negroid" looking figures invoked in "Pwnt" imagery [as provided in the example above, with the kneeling figures] would be treated as an anomaly, and conveniently labeled as simply "Nubians". It also appears from the repro above, that Phillip sees the figure in the register "a", as a "woman"; the colored image makes it quite clear that there is nothing particularly feminine about the figure in question, who happens to be a participant in carrying heavy goods, including the myrrh trees. One is predisposed to taking it that Phillip's first impression as such, was likely influenced by the long skirt-like garment of the figure. Such garments as worn by men [which are wrapped around the waist in a fashion almost akin to how men wrap bathroom towels around the waist], are not uncommon in certain areas of the African, but Phillip might not have taken that into consideration.
This "Negroid, Negroes, or Black Africans" theme has been noted elsewhere, as if to say that other 'Pwnt' occupants were of a different "race" or anything but the aforementioned, even going as far as [in some cases, and as noted above] to suggest that these occupants were not really 'Pwnt' natives. To the extent that these sources acknowledge diversity in 'Pwnt' wall relief scenery, it is in this context. Some excerpts from around the net that come to mind in this regard, are as follows:
"The reliefs also showed the features of the Puntine people, who were black Africans, as well as another race much resembling Egyptians.The later group of inhabitants was depicted as red colored (as the traditional color of Egyptians in ancient art), wearing a small beard resembling those of Egyptian priests and the short Egyptian shirts. Donkeys were depicted as the method of transporting goods, and white dogs guarding the people’s houses. Birds, monkeys, leopards and hippopotamus are also seen, as well as giraffes which are typical African animals, to live in Punt. Nehsi is then shown in front of his tent with a banquet offered to his guests, and observing the gifts presented.
Source: Courtesy of touregypt.net
M. Edouard Naville found at Thebes many remains of the Punt sculptures. The Puntites appear with their aquiline features, their pointed beards, and their long hair; **negroes** also of black and brown varieties are represented adjoining the Puntites proper. There are wickerwork huts, and a figure of a large white dog with its ears hanging down. Long-billed birds also appear flying about in the trees. Their nests have been forsaken and robbed, and the men are represented as gathering incense from the trees. Altogether, much invaluable information has been gathered concerning the famous people who lived in the Land of Punt, and with whom for a long period the Egyptians held intercommunication. Other discoveries were made near the great temple of Karnak, and the buildings of Medinet-Habu were cleared of rubbish in order to show their true proportions.
Source: Revue Archeologique, xxix., p. 127
Source: HISTORY OF EGYPT From 330 B.C. to the Present Time By S. RAPPOPORT, Doctor of Philosophy, Basel; Member of the Ecole Langues Orientales, Paris; Russian, German, French Orientalist and Philologist
Even reactionary critiques of an African based "Punt", such as the following, have taken notice...
“the Deir el Bahri reliefs do show a number of African people and apparently African animals, such as at least one rhinoceros and a giraffe. For Bimson, and for many of his readers, this was decisive evidence in proving an African location for the territory. Decisive enough to make them ignore or forget all the other evidence that clearly located Punt/the Divine Land in Palestine/Phoenicia. But if Punt really was Phoenicia, why then such an African influence? Why the large amount of space devoted to seemingly African animals and people with clearly Negroid features? This is a question that cannot be ignored. Velikovsky himself suggested that the African elements were imports, and stressed that the Puntites themselves were not Negroes, but Semites or Hamites. This in fact is true. The Puntites look very much like the Egyptians, and curiously enough, sport long pointed beards of a type worn in Egypt only by the pharaoh. (It should be noted also in this regard that the earliest Egyptian monarchy, the Horus kings of the First Dynasty, claimed to have originated in Punt: and this incidentally provides yet another dramatic connection with Asia; for, as David Rohl has illustrated (Legend: The Genesis of Civilization: 1998), the god Osiris, form whom the Egyptian royalty claimed descent, was not only specifically linked to Byblos, but was himself in origin a Mesopotamian god named Asar. Rohl also shows, in the same place, how the peoples of Lebanon also traced their origin back to Mesopotamia).” - by Emmet Sweeney
Of course, all of these citations are working with biologically "bankrupt" premise of "races", whereby the "negro" represents a strictly narrow and "non-variant" typological archetype.
An interesting feature about 'Pwnt's' diversity, is that the Kemetians professed to have had access to what they called the "dancing dwarf" from the region. Indeed, one sees a recurring theme here, as exemplified by the "dancing pygmies" figurines carved out of *ivory*, found amongst the Kemetic item collection brought in from journeys to their south.
The geographical and political question aspect...
The speculations and debates around the precise location of 'Pwnt' and whether it was even a centralized state named as such, has generated several ideological camps over the years. For instance, the implication that 'Pwnt' may have been located somewhere in the African Horn has spurred interest amongst peoples of this region, but since this region also comprises of modern nation states which are not all necessarily on friendly terms at the state level, competing ideologues from these regions have developed, with each professing 'Pwnt' to actually be primarily their heritage over the other. In other words, there are Eritrean ideologues who claim that it was actually located in what is now Eritrea, and so, must be Eritrean heritage as opposed to Ethiopian. Likewise, Ethiopian and Somali ideologues respectively claim 'Pwnt' to be their heritage as opposed to the other. Another group of ideologues who fall outside of the aforementioned groups from the Horn of Africa, span reactionary ideologues of various nationality who have disdain for things "sub-Saharan African", who reject an African-based 'Pwnt', and instead, prefer to locate it on the other side of the Red Sea. In some occasions, these distinct ideological camps temporarily converge in their perspective, as exemplified by the need to "cleanse" Pwnt off what is deemed to be "Negroid" occupants; neither of these camps generally find comfort in any notion of "native Negroid Puntites", as examined above with examples. To this extent, members of said ideological camps prefer to present "Negroid" occupants as merely servants, slaves or foreigners [whom some conveniently call "Nubians", while others dismiss them as "southern Sudanese" elements], no matter how frivolous the case may be. When the question of the "Puntite dwarf" comes up, members of these ideological camps seek to explain them off as either "Negritos" or "imports from central Africa" respectively, and even as rare and funny as it may seem, some have gone as far as implicating "Khoisans" as these dwarfs, as if Khoisans can be mistaken for pygmies or dwarfs. In a letter to Harkhuf from Pepi II, we come across such "dancing dwarfs", who have apparently been brought in from Yam and Punt respectively ...
A letter to Harkhuf from King Pepi II (aged about 8)
Royal Seal, Year 2, third month of the first season, day 15. Royal decree (to) the Sole Companion, the Ritual Priest and Overseer of Caravans, Harkhuf.
I have noted the matter of this thy letter, which thou hast sent to the king, to the palace, in order that One might know that thou hast descended in safety from Yam with the army which was with thee. Thou hast said (in) this thy letter, that thou hast brought all great and beautiful gifts, which Hathor, mistress of Imaaw, hath given to the ka of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt Nefer-ka-re [ i.e., Pepi II], who liveth forever and ever. Thou hast said in this thy letter, that thou hast brought a dancing dwarf of the god from the land of spirits, like the dwarf which the Treasurer-of-the-god Bawer-djed brought from Punt in the time of King Isesi. Thou hast said to my majesty: "Never before has one like him been brought by any other who has visited Yam."
Come northward to the court immediately... thou shalt bring this dwarf with thee,.. living, prosperous and healthy from the land of spirits, for the dances of the god, to rejoice and gladden the heart of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Nefer-ka-re (Pepi II), who lives forever. When he goes down with thee into the boat, appoint excellent people, who shall be beside him on each side of the vessel; take care lest he fall into the water! When (he) sleeps at night appoint excellent people who shall sleep beside him in his tent; inspect ten times a night! My majesty desires to see this dwarf more than the gifts of Sinai and of Punt! If thou arrivest at court, this dwarf being with thee alive, prosperous and healthy, my majesty will do for thee a greater thing than that which was done for the Treasurer of the god, Bawer-djed, in the time of King Isesi, according to the heart's desire of my majesty to see this dwarf!
Indeed, stories like these recall previous expedition endeavors to the region [Pwnt], and sure enough, various inscriptions or letters either by envoys and/or Pharaohs [responding to envoy-recounts of such expeditions] have been left to us—"the living"; apparently, these expeditions were, or at least seemed to be, a source of pride to the Kemetian authorities, not only given that the said expeditions were considered to be major sea-faring undertakings, which were often seen as risky [as we shall see below, in the 'inscriptional' example that Erman cites], but also largely preconceived as one of the few or rare occasions of peaceful projects in relatively distant exotic territories amongst the many which are otherwise generally accommodated by strategic military goals, to fend off Kemet's potential rivals, and as one which yielded substantial, and in certain ways, exceptional commercial gifts. The reproduced inscription below for instance, serves as an example of such retelling:
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"Fig. 1. Stela of Khentykhetywer, recovered in the Wadi Gawasis, describing his return from Punt. The relevant portion of the text reads: '...after his return in safety from Punt, his expedition being with him, sound and healthy ., and his fleet resting at Sww...' (From A.M.A.H. Sayed, in Revue d' Égyptologie, XXIX [1977], 139, pl. VIII; translation of A. Nibbi, in [i]Journal of Egyptian Archaeology, LXII [1976], 50)" |
"As more Egyptian expeditions were sent deeper into Nubia, other peoples began to appear in Egyptian art with more markedly central African features, hairstyles, and characteristics. That Egyptian explorers penetrated the Sudan to a great distance at this period is suggested by the contemporary carved ivory group, preserved in the Egyptian Museum, Cairo, which was used as a child's toy. It represents three pygmy men, which could be made to dance when a string was pulled. To the Egyptians, these people were the "horizon dwellers", who were seen only once in many generations. They were famed among the Egyptians for their dancing, and when any of these people were brought to Egypt, they were made to perform "the dances of the gods." They would no doubt have come from the extreme reaches of the Upper Nile tributaries and the northern Congo area. - Courtesy of nubianet.org
At least one site sought to explain the reason behind the dancing dwarfs being sought after by the Kemetian royalty:
The strange way in which Bes is represented has lead some scholars to think that Bes was of Mesopotamian or of African origin. The epithets "Lord of Punt" and "Lord of Nubia" also seem to point in that direction. On the other hand, Bes is known to the Egyptians from the Old Kingdom on, or before. There are . Bes may owe the epithet "Lord of Punt" to his dwarf-like figure: Punt, a legendary African society, was populated, among others, by pygmies.
There were two kinds of dwarfs known in ancient Egypt, the African pygmies and the Egyptian dwarfs. The African pygmies had hereditary dwarfism. These pygmies originated in the equatorial forests of Central Africa. The Ancient Egyptians brought them to Egypt from their trade stations in Nubia. The first pygmy was brought from Punt in the time of King Asosi of the Fifth Dynasty. Another was brought by Herkhuf from the land of Iam in Upper Nubia for the child King Pepi the Second.
The role of the African pygmies was to perform a dance called "the dance for god" or to dance in the royal palace to rejoice the king's heart.
The Egyptian dwarfs had a deformity in their bodies. A big head, a normal trunk, and short arms and legs characterized these dwarfs. These dwarfs were frequently placed in charge of pet animals. The Egyptian dwarfs also engaged in jewelry making.
The question of what would have been the territorial extent of 'Pwnt', even if one were to assume that 'Pwnt' were a state right off the bat, never seems to cross the minds of the aforementioned ideologues, who are just eager to promote their respective viewpoints, regardless of the weight of evidence. Apparently, "dancing dwarfs" have been brought in by expeditions to territories to Egypt's south and beyond Kush, including 'Pwnt', as noted above. Certainly pygmies are rare in the African Horn today, but they do occur in central Africa, which is right next to the Sudanese border. On the other hand, we hear about items like Teff, found in 4th Dynasty pyramids of Senefru for example,...
Abyssinian milliet, Teff [Eragotrs Tef Trotter], is cultivated for it's grain only on the Ethiopian High Plataeu.
Many plants resembling it are known locally as Teff; some of them are in addition cereals which are collected [eg. E pilosa P.B.].
Apart from the recent times, this cereal has not penetrated elsewhere. The present writer has shown that the term teff was not of Semetic origin but rather of ancient Egyptian origin. While the ancient Egyptians do not appear to have been familiar with the cultivation of Abyssinian Teff, they made use of Eragrostis pilosa in exactly the same as is done today in the valley of the Nile and North-East Africa [Barth 1858 and Kotschy 1862] Unger [1866-67] found grains of it in the pyramids of Dashur Pyramid [3359 B.C.] Fourth Dynasty and in the blocks of clay from the ancient town of Rameses [1400-1300 B.C.] built at the begining of the New Empire. As a name, Teff [tief] appears to come from 'provisions' food.
Such items suggest origins in the African Horn, as noted. Other popular items obtained from 'Pwnt' such as myrrh, gold, spices and ebony, are found in the general region of southern Sudan, Eritrea, and northern Ethiopia. As noted, carved ivory sculptures do occur and could have arrived from central Africa, bordering Sudan. The areas [particularly southwest of] near Port Sudan were known for gold. In that same area, including the general region where the borders of Sudan, Eritrea and Ethiopia meet, the short-horned and the humpless long-horned cattle types—shown on wall relief imagery of 'Pwnt'—were also located, while the western region of Eritrea [e.g. Erkowit area] and the Tigris plateau area were known for incense and myrrh [courtesy references of Dr. Karl H. Leser]. Apparently exotic animals [*some* of which are now relatively rare in region] like giraffes, various feline [like say, panthers], dogs, bears, monkeys [notably including the baboon], donkeys, elephants, rhinos and a variety of birds [including "stalk-like" types] were available that far north, in that same general area. One particular animal of interest, i.e. the single-horned rhino, has been pointed to by the ideological camp of a "non-African Pwnt" to suggest that it serves as evidence of—well, a non-African based 'Pwnt'. However, it simply suggests, at the least, that a part of 'Pwnt' was not too far from the Red Sea; this still falls short of telling us the actual geographical extent of 'Pwnt'. Almost all other animals depicted are largely common tropical African exotic types; the same applies to the flora, as exemplified by the "palm-tree like" plants and the myrrh trees of 'Pwnt'. Word is that even the examination of the marine fauna depicted in 'Pwnt' imagery, though in some cases hard to relate them to highly-*specific* existing [subspecies] variants, all appear to be of tropical or subtropical water-body types; they have been related to general species types—see below:
Above, are examples of some of the fauna & flora mentioned, including the evident marine fauna. Click on this last image to see the "short-horned" humpless cattle type [also take note of the aforementioned dome-topped dwellings—shown on the 2nd top colored image of this page as well—on piles].
Below, is a colored photo of a wall relief at Luxor displaying wild animals from the "Land of Punt" being escorted by workers, who may or may not [or both situations apply] have come from 'Pwnt' along with the animals. Myrrh trees typical of 'Pwnt' imagery can be also seen in the image:
This tomb is in the valley of the nobles. It is a typical tomb of the 18th dynasty, with a vestbule and chapel. the paintings are very interesting with painting of different animals brought from the land of Punt. There are paintings of monkeys, bears, horses ,elephants and giraffe. There is also scenes of men working on a huge statue of a pharaoh. This is another tomb to include in your list - Courtesy of vtourist.com
Noticeable above, is the variety in the garment of the workers. Looking at the garment of workers in other 'Pwnt' scenery, we have...
Note the short white loincloth garment in proportion to the single strap of linen draped from the waist over the genital area. Certain group of workers uniformly sported these short with garments. Contrast this with the variety displayed above. Click on image to see an enlarged version taken from another angle.
Again, notice the style of the garment. Not different from the examples immediately above. Now, contrast the type with those worn by the bearded "Pwnt" workers.
Even amongst these bearded workers, there are variations in garment. There are garments with the two-pronged linen strip hanging from the waist over the genital area, wherein said strip is partially hidden under the kilt, and then there is the garment type with a single-pronged linen strip draped from the waist over the genital area, wherein again said strip is partially hidden from view underneath the kilt; figures wearing these aforementioned garment types are accompanied by other workers who are not necessarily bearded, and characterized by garments with a two-pronged linen strip draped from the waist over the genital area, which in this case is fully visible on the skirt. Click on the image for hi resolution.
Noticeable above, is the variety in the garment of the workers. Looking at the garment of workers in other 'Pwnt' scenery, we have...
Note the short white loincloth garment in proportion to the single strap of linen draped from the waist over the genital area. Certain group of workers uniformly sported these short with garments. Contrast this with the variety displayed above. Click on image to see an enlarged version taken from another angle.
Again, notice the style of the garment. Not different from the examples immediately above. Now, contrast the type with those worn by the bearded "Pwnt" workers.
Even amongst these bearded workers, there are variations in garment. There are garments with the two-pronged linen strip hanging from the waist over the genital area, wherein said strip is partially hidden under the kilt, and then there is the garment type with a single-pronged linen strip draped from the waist over the genital area, wherein again said strip is partially hidden from view underneath the kilt; figures wearing these aforementioned garment types are accompanied by other workers who are not necessarily bearded, and characterized by garments with a two-pronged linen strip draped from the waist over the genital area, which in this case is fully visible on the skirt. Click on the image for hi resolution.
Perhaps one aspect of 'Pwnt' occupants that should not be overlook before we come to a close in the "political and geographical" questions surrounding 'Pwnt', is the range of skin tones displayed, which generally parallel those in the lower Nile Valley regions all the way from Kush to Kemet. The dark reddish-brown tinge of skin tones displayed by the bearded 'Pwnt' workers, including the aforementioned chief and queen, parallel the conventions applied to Kemetic figures. This generally contrasts most Aamu ["Western" scholars generally know them as "Asiatics"] who are more often than not, depicted in Yellowish pigmentation as opposed to the dark reddish-brown.
Some interesting figures appear on the scenery, such as those of troops accompanied by the Egyptian expedition crew. Recalling one of the images already posted, we have [this is the photograph version]:
An envoy, allegedly by the name of "Nehesj", backed up with a troop. So goes the saying: Better safe than never!
The garments that the troops are shown wearing, is somewhat stylistically distinct from the conventional plain white loincloth garments usually associated with regular Egyptian personalities. Obviously as seen here, the body postures of the soldiers are suggestive of the group coming in peace. Elsewhere, this occasion has been interpreted as that of the soldiers coming along to "promote a one-sided trade", wherein Egyptian weaponry was presented as part of the trade items, with beads being the other, in exchange for the more elaborate variety of 'Pwnt'. Click on the image above, to see another version of troops, but this time, in marching body postures; the stance still seems to be that of a peaceful one.
Adolf Erman's interpretation—of the coming along of the soldiers in an 11th Dynasty expedition to 'Pwnt'—follows that of the protection of the expedition crew from potential enemies along the journey route, and he purportedly supports this by citing an inscription allegedly by chief treasurer Henu under Senekhkere-Mentuhotep III during the 11th Dynasty:
Click on the image for hi resolution.
Erman's description of 'Pwnt' was less than flattering, if not with an element of disdain; he presents 'Pwnt', which he does not regard as a name for a nation state but as a general descriptive for a region, as being exagguratingly admired and ascended to a legendary status primarily due to the products that it endowed Kemetians with, certain aspects of which were apparently relatively rare in Kemet, but that in reality, the people of 'Pwnt' were not all that much respected by Kemetians; rather, as he suggests, the locals of 'Pwnt' were seen as being less cultured than the Kemetians themselves; see below:
Click on the image for hi resolution.
The garments that the troops are shown wearing, is somewhat stylistically distinct from the conventional plain white loincloth garments usually associated with regular Egyptian personalities. Obviously as seen here, the body postures of the soldiers are suggestive of the group coming in peace. Elsewhere, this occasion has been interpreted as that of the soldiers coming along to "promote a one-sided trade", wherein Egyptian weaponry was presented as part of the trade items, with beads being the other, in exchange for the more elaborate variety of 'Pwnt'. Click on the image above, to see another version of troops, but this time, in marching body postures; the stance still seems to be that of a peaceful one.
Adolf Erman's interpretation—of the coming along of the soldiers in an 11th Dynasty expedition to 'Pwnt'—follows that of the protection of the expedition crew from potential enemies along the journey route, and he purportedly supports this by citing an inscription allegedly by chief treasurer Henu under Senekhkere-Mentuhotep III during the 11th Dynasty:
Click on the image for hi resolution.
Erman's description of 'Pwnt' was less than flattering, if not with an element of disdain; he presents 'Pwnt', which he does not regard as a name for a nation state but as a general descriptive for a region, as being exagguratingly admired and ascended to a legendary status primarily due to the products that it endowed Kemetians with, certain aspects of which were apparently relatively rare in Kemet, but that in reality, the people of 'Pwnt' were not all that much respected by Kemetians; rather, as he suggests, the locals of 'Pwnt' were seen as being less cultured than the Kemetians themselves; see below:
Click on the image for hi resolution.
Erman's disdain for Queen Ety is particularly noticeable. Her chubby appearance has been commented on; some discussants see this feature of the queen as yet another indicator of the African situation of 'Pwnt'. Certainly some members of the aforementioned ideological camps, i.e. those who argue for some African Horn country or the other, are inclined to argue that it is not uncommon to see male appeal for women "on the heavy side" in that region; though, it is questionable whether these are not appeals for "medically healthier" situations, or at least perceived as such by the eyes of the beholders, as opposed to appeal for females who are "heavy" because of medical adversity. Many observers see Queen Ety's weight issue as more of a mal medical condition. At any rate, even Erman tacitly interprets the situation as further indication of Pwnt's location in Africa. One thing that Erman mentions that shouldn't be overlooked, is the idea that donkeys were employed as the main "beasts of burden or for riding". Indeed, as another source put it, we have:
"In order to transport the material to build their ships, donkey were used, as camels were not available until after the invasion of the Persians much later:
To every man I gave his rations, a water-bottle, a staff, two jars of water, twenty loaves of bread. The donkeys carried the jars. When one of them tired, another was substituted. I excavated twelve holes in the wadi, two holes at Idahet, twenty cubits wide and thirty deep. One hole at Idahet ten cubits in every direction, at a place where water sprang.
Courtesy of touregypt.net
The keywords here being "camels were not available"; whereas in the Arabian peninsula, right across the Red Sea, one would expect camels as a beast of burden to have been around by then.
Images of Queen Ety, in the company of her husband Chief Perehu (Prhw); these have been displayed in repros already posted, but here is another variant:
The chief Perehu (Parahu) is described as wearing a skull cap on his head, in a manner similar to some Egyptian deities, like Ptah in particular. Otherwise, like the bearded 'Pwnt' workers, he sports a goatee [which in Egyptian renditions is usually reserved for deities or divine personalities], and the loincloth garment sporting a partially-visible two-pronged linen strip over the genital area. The mentioning of chief Perehu and his queen could invoke a sense of a centralized polity in the Pwnt that Hatshepsut sent her treasurer. However, it is of note that Jack Phillip in one of his repros, mentions the "two" chiefs of 'Pwnt' [image below]; Erman, in the extract immediately prior to his last one above, also speaks of princes and chiefs in plural tense. Whether this implies that there were several other chiefs identified with 'Pwnt', or else that these were lesser chiefs of a hierarchically higher central one, is something that remains to be sorted out. Even so, while the idea of one supreme ruler of the land may serve as an indicator of a centralized polity, it doesn't tell us the geographical extent of 'Pwnt's' political borders at any given time.
"In order to transport the material to build their ships, donkey were used, as camels were not available until after the invasion of the Persians much later:
To every man I gave his rations, a water-bottle, a staff, two jars of water, twenty loaves of bread. The donkeys carried the jars. When one of them tired, another was substituted. I excavated twelve holes in the wadi, two holes at Idahet, twenty cubits wide and thirty deep. One hole at Idahet ten cubits in every direction, at a place where water sprang.
Courtesy of touregypt.net
The keywords here being "camels were not available"; whereas in the Arabian peninsula, right across the Red Sea, one would expect camels as a beast of burden to have been around by then.
Images of Queen Ety, in the company of her husband Chief Perehu (Prhw); these have been displayed in repros already posted, but here is another variant:
Click on the image to see the color blown-up of the piece pasted in the repro above.
The chief Perehu (Parahu) is described as wearing a skull cap on his head, in a manner similar to some Egyptian deities, like Ptah in particular. Otherwise, like the bearded 'Pwnt' workers, he sports a goatee [which in Egyptian renditions is usually reserved for deities or divine personalities], and the loincloth garment sporting a partially-visible two-pronged linen strip over the genital area. The mentioning of chief Perehu and his queen could invoke a sense of a centralized polity in the Pwnt that Hatshepsut sent her treasurer. However, it is of note that Jack Phillip in one of his repros, mentions the "two" chiefs of 'Pwnt' [image below]; Erman, in the extract immediately prior to his last one above, also speaks of princes and chiefs in plural tense. Whether this implies that there were several other chiefs identified with 'Pwnt', or else that these were lesser chiefs of a hierarchically higher central one, is something that remains to be sorted out. Even so, while the idea of one supreme ruler of the land may serve as an indicator of a centralized polity, it doesn't tell us the geographical extent of 'Pwnt's' political borders at any given time.
As perhaps further indication of its geographical proximity translating into its localization on the African continent, we are told about another inscription that implicates 'Pwnt', but this time, not as an element of legendary admiration or as allies, but rather, as an adversarial element to the state of Kemet; we get this picture in an article by Dalya Alberge, in the article headed "Tomb reveals Ancient Egypt's humiliating secret"...
The tomb belonged to Sobeknakht, a Governor of El Kab, an important provincial capital during the latter part of the 17th Dynasty (about 1575-1550BC). The inscription describes a ferocious invasion of Egypt by armies from Kush and its allies from the south, including the land of Punt, on the southern coast of the Red Sea. It says that vast territories were affected and describes Sobeknakht's heroic role in organising a counter-attack.
The text takes the form of an address to the living by Sobeknakht: "Listen you, who are alive upon earth . . . Kush came . . . aroused along his length, he having stirred up the tribes of Wawat . . . the land of Punt and the Medjaw. . ." It describes the decisive role played by the "might of the great one, Nekhbet", the vulture-goddess of El Kab, as "strong of heart against the Nubians, who were burnt through fire", while the "chief of the nomads fell through the blast of her flame".
The discovery explains why Egyptian treasures, including statues, stelae and an elegant alabaster vessel found in the royal tomb at Kerma, were buried in Kushite tombs: they were war trophies.
The grammar of the inscription piece, as translated above, clearly presents the "land of Punt" amongst entities that represent an ethnic group and inhabitants of a designated locale that doesn't necessarily represent a nation state; namely, the Medjay and the tribes of Wawat respectively. Although from the looks of it, in that pieces of the text seem to be missing and thus, possibly warranting further examination, the cotexts of the "land of Punt" suggest that it is more likely placed within the context of the latter camp—that is to say, inhabitants of a designated broad or general locale that need not be a centralized state. Like the "tribes of Wawat", it is associated with a designated region or locale, while Medjay as cited, is invoked without a specified territory, which would implicate them as either nomadic types or as a geographically scattered group across territories of multiple polities. In other words, neither of the three named groups here appear to be players of a centralized state, but rather, are implicated as an ethnic group or inhabitants of a designated generalized region who have allied with Kushitic state; Kush is the only other entity that is unequivocally presented grammatically as a state player; that is, acting on behalf of a centralized polity. A curious feature about hieroglyphic invocations of the appellative "Pwnt" (Punt), is that they are generally accompanied by the determinative for "land", at least as demonstrated by the different occasions that have been implicated in this blog post, rather than the glyph of a 'circle enclosing a cross', i.e. "
"[often verbalized as "nwt", where verbalization is warranted] , usually synonymous with a polity or a nation.
At any rate, the extract serves as further indication that the "land of Punt" is within geographical proximity to Kush, such that they would conveniently forge political ties and create a unified military front to confront a common foe, which in this case, was the state of Kemet. If the Kushites had to cross the Red Sea, in order to get to the other side only to seek allies, then that undertaking would have involved more work and time consuming. In other words, the indicators point to the African localization of "Pwnt". In light of this adversarial relationship between Kush and Kemet at this particular point in time [since they are known to have more friendly relations in other occasions], from the web, at least one site gathered that,...
The historical frequency of commercial contacts and also the way how the Egyptians had reached Punt indicate - as stated by Fattovich - that it must be located on an area southeast from Nubia. A historical comparison of the contacts lets assume therefore:
- that in the Old Kingdom the goods from Punt had been brought to Egypt on an overland route, whereby this was controlled by the people from Kerma;
- that in the Middle Kingdom the sea route was preferred to travel to Punt, in order to evade the area of Kerma (however, this does not exclude additional contacts on an overland route);
- that in the 2. intermediate period the trade with Punt was controlled by nomads of the eastern desert who for their part had contact with the Kerma culture;
- that in the New Kingdom again ships were sent to Punt, until Nubia was fully controlled by Egypt; thereafter, the goods came also on an overland route, whereby the trade was controlled by nomads of the eastern desert; probably at the same time the trade with the west coast of the Arabian peninsula was started;
- that the contact during the 20. Dynasty was stopped due to climatic changes and resulting political weakness of Egypt;
- that thereafter until Ptolemaic times the trade with Punt and the southern areas of the Red Sea had been under control of people from Arabia, thus, Punt became a mythological idea.
All hints support a localization of Punt in the area at the border between Ethiopia and Sudan
Source: Courtesy of www.maat-ka-ra.de
The Mythical or Spiritual aspect...
'Pwnt' ascended to a legendary status at some point in time, and it is here one comes across mythical themes centered on the region. One good example of this can perhaps be seen in the tale of The Shipwrecked Sailor [ca. 2200 BC] , as found elsewhere on the net:
The wise servant said, "Let thy heart be satisfied, O my lord, for that we have come back to the country; after we have been long on board, and rowed much, the prow has at last touched land. All the people rejoice and embrace us one after another. Moreover, we have come back in good health, and not a man is lacking; although we have been to the ends of Wawat [Nubia], and gone through the land of Senmut [Kush], we have returned in peace, and our land---behold, we have come back to it. Hear me, my lord; I have no other refuge. Wash thee, and turn the water over thy fingers; then go and tell the tale to the majesty."
His lord replied, "Thy heart continues still its wandering words! but although the mouth of a man may save him his words may also cover his face with confusion. Will you do then as your heart moves you? This that you will say, tell quietly."
The sailor then answered, "Now I shall tell that which has happened to me, to my very self. I was going to the mines of Pharaoh, and I went down on the sea in a ship of one hundred and fifty cubits long and forty cubits wide, with one hundred and fifty sailors of the best of Egypt who had seen heaven and earth, and whose hearts were stronger than lions. They had said that the wind would not be contrary, or that there would be none. But as we approached the land, the wind arose, and threw up waves eight cubits high. As for me, I seized a piece of wood; but those who were in the vessel perished, without one remaining. A wave threw me on an island, after that I had been three days alone, without a companion beside my own heart. I laid me in a thicket, and the shadow covered me. Then stretched I my limbs to try to find something for my mouth. I found there figs and grain, melons of all kinds, fishes, and birds. Nothing was lacking. And I satisfied myself; and left on the ground that which was over, of what my arms had been filled withal. I dug a pit, I lighted a fire, and I made a burnt offering unto the gods.
"Suddenly I heard a noise as of thunder, which I thought to be that of a wave of the sea. The trees shook, and the earth was moved. I uncovered my face, and I saw that a serpent drew near. He was thirty cubits long, and his beard greater than two cubits; his body was as overlaid with gold, and his color as that of true lazuli. He coiled himself before me. Then he opened his mouth, while that I lay on my face before him, and he said to me, 'What has brought you, what has brought you, little one, what has brought you? If you say not speedily what has brought you to this isle, I will make you know yourself; as a flame you shall vanish, if you tell me not something I have not heard, or which I knew not, before you.'
"Then he took me in his mouth and carried me to his resting-place, and laid me down without any hurt. I was whole and sound, and nothing was gone from me. Then he opened his mouth against me, while that I lay on my face before him, and he said, 'What has brought you, what has brought you, little one, what has brought you to this isle which is in the sea, and of which the shores are in the midst of the waves?'
"Then I replied to him, and holding my arms low before him, I said to him: 'I was embarked for the mines by the order of the majesty, in a ship, one hundred and fifty cubits was its length, and the width of it forty cubits. It had one hundred and fifty sailors of the best of Egypt, who had seen heaven and earth, and the hearts of whom were stronger than lions. They said that the wind would not be contrary, or that there would be none. Each of them exceeded his companion in the prudence of his heart and the strength of his arm, and I was not beneath any of them. A storm came upon us while we were on the sea. Hardly could we reach to the shore when the wind waxed yet greater, and the waves rose even eight cubits. As for me, I seized a piece of wood, while those who were in the boat perished without one being left with me for three days. Behold me now before you, for I was brought to this isle by a wave of the sea.'
"Then said he to me, 'Fear not, fear not, little one, and make not your face sad. If you have come to me, it is God who has let you live. For it is He who has brought you to this isle of the blest, where nothing is lacking, and which is filled with all good things. See now, you shall pass one month after another, until you shall be four months in this isle. Then a ship shall come from your land with sailors, and you shall leave with them and go to your country, and you shall die in your town.
Converse is pleasing, and he who tastes of it passes over his misery. I will therefore tell you of that which is in this isle. I am here with my brethren and my children around me; we are seventy-five serpents, children, and kindred; without naming a young girl who was brought unto me by chance, and on whom the fire of heaven fell, and burned her to ashes. As for you, if you are strong, and if your heart waits patiently, you shall press your infants to your bosom and embrace your wife. You shall return to your house which is full of all good things, you shall see your land, where you shall dwell in the midst of your kindred.'
"Then I bowed in my obeisance, and I touched the ground before him. 'Behold now that which I have told you before. I shall tell of your presence unto Pharaoh, I shall make him to know of your greatness, and I will bring to you of the sacred oils and perfumes, and of incense of the temples with which all gods are honored. I shall tell, moreover, of that which I do now see (thanks to him), and there shall be rendered to you praises before the fullness of all the land. I shall slay asses for you in sacrifice, I shall pluck for you the birds, and I shall bring for you ships full of all kinds of the treasures of Egypt, as is comely to do unto a god, a friend of men in a far country, of which men know not.'
"Then he smiled at my speech, because of that which was in his heart, for he said to me: 'You are not rich in perfumes, for all that you have is but common incense. As for me, I am prince of the land of Punt, and I have perfumes. Only the oil which you say you would bring is not common in this isle. But, when you shall depart from this place, you shall never more see this isle; it shall be changed into waves.'
"And behold, when the ship drew near, according to all that he had told me before, I got up into an high tree, to strive to see those who were within it. Then I came and told to him this matter, but it was already known unto him before. Then he said to me: 'Farewell, farewell, go to your house, little one, see again your children, and let your name be good in your town; these are my wishes for you.'
"Then I bowed myself before him, and held my arms low before him, and he, he gave me gifts of precious perfumes, of cassia, of sweet woods, of kohl, of cypress, an abundance of incense, of ivory tusks, of baboons, of apes, and all kinds of precious things. I embarked all in the ship which was come, and bowing myself, I prayed God for him. Then he said to me: 'Behold you shall come to your country in two months, you shall press to your bosom your children, and you shall rest in your tomb.'
After this I went down to the shore unto the ship, and I called to the sailors who were there. Then on the shore I rendered adoration to the master of this isle and to those who dwelt therein.
When we shall come, in our return, to the house of Pharaoh, in the second month, according to all that the serpent has said, we shall approach unto the palace. And I shall go in before Pharaoh, I shall bring the gifts which I have brought from this isle into the country. Then he shall thank me before the fullness of the land. Grant then unto me a follower, and lead me to the courtiers of the king. Cast your eye upon me after that I have both seen and proved this. Hear my prayer, for it is good to listen to people. It was said unto me: 'Become a wise man, and you shall come to honor,' and behold I have become such."
This is finished from its beginning unto its end, even as it was found in a writing. It is written by the scribe of cunning fingers, Ameni-amenaa; may he live in life, wealth, and health!
Courtesy of this Link [click here], that provides additional references in an attempt to simply the language.
It is of note that the narrator of the story repeats the theme of having gone first through Wawat and Kush before landing in the land of Punt, which is not inconsistent with what we've seen with regards to the alliance forged between Wawat, Kush, and the Land of Punt in the excerpt above, as mentioned in the inscription found in the tomb of Sobeknakht, Governor of El-Kab, since they each relate the proximity of 'Pwnt' to these other two regional entities. Here too, we come across exotic animals already described above. All that aside, one noticeable mention here, is that of the Serpent prince of 'Pwnt'. Several discussants have pointed to this as another supposed evidence of its location in the African Horn, presumably predicated on the account that serpent worship traditions occurred in that region. However, servent reverance, deification or worship has been seen in a number of parts of the world, including ancient Egypt itself. The narrative around this Serpent prince of Pwnt has taken mythic proportions; for one, it is purported to be a gaint talking one. An interesting feature of the Serpent ruler, is that he was also "bearded" or sported the goatee type that recurringly appears in occupants of 'Pwnt' imagery. These resemble the false beards [or rather, goatees] generally associated with Kemetian Neteru figures, including as an item of symbolism on artistic renditions of pharoahs, who were deemed to be "divine" mortal rulers of the land. While it's possible that the people of 'Pwnt' were generally unshaven characters, the recurring theme, even on a mythified personality such as the sailor's Serpent ruler/prince of 'Pwnt', suggests that it is more likely that this is more a product of ascension of 'Pwnt' to semi-mythical porportions; returning to Adolf Erman, he provides an interesting prespective on what might have precipitated this level of admiration for 'Pwnt', wherein he implicates the relative abundance of goods, that the Kemetians deemed "precious", in the "Land of Punt" as partly responsible for this phenomenon, and indeed, the sailor does mention some of these purported "precious" goods or items, and talks about taking them with him to Kemet; recall for instance, from the story, the following:
Utterance by the Serpent prince of "Pwnt"...
"Then said he to me, 'Fear not, fear not, little one, and make not your face sad. If you have come to me, it is God who has let you live. For it is He who has brought you to this isle of the blest, where nothing is lacking, and which is filled with all good things. See now, you shall pass one month after another, until you shall be four months in this isle. Then a ship shall come from your land with sailors, and you shall leave with them and go to your country, and you shall die in your town.
And the sailor's interaction with the Serpent prince...
"Then I bowed myself before him, and held my arms low before him, and he, he gave me gifts of precious perfumes, of cassia, of sweet woods, of kohl, of cypress, an abundance of incense, of ivory tusks, of baboons, of apes, and all kinds of precious things. I embarked all in the ship which was come, and bowing myself, I prayed God for him. Then he said to me: 'Behold you shall come to your country in two months, you shall press to your bosom your children, and you shall rest in your tomb.'
Now, a look at how Adolf Erman builds the aforementioned case, as noted immediately above; in the process, it may be too tempting not to compare Erman's version of the translations with that provided above about the 'The Shipwrecked Sailor', to see if there are no translatory variations. Recalling an earlier posted Erman's piece, we have [with emphasis on the last sentence of the second paragraph and from thereon]:
He goes onto reiterate this feeling of admiration for things "Pwnt" on pg 511 that is already posted above [the last Erman piece posted prior to this], and the corresponding semi-mythification of that region, but then turns around and speaks of how Kemetians did not see "Puntites" as their equals, in that the latter were perceived as the lesser cultured ones.
The following pages, 508 to 511, recount the same story about the shipwrecked sailor as that already provided above, but also taking into account why Erman says it has that mythical character just talked about...
Aside from the extraordinary claims about the "bearded" Serpent talking to the author, who was presumably a victim of a shipwreck, the tale also talks of this taking place on an isle or island. Is this simply the product of mistranslation? If not, then should that too not be taken literally? Certainly, the African Horn is the furthest thing from an island. A case could be made that the sailor had experienced moments of hallucination while being stranded alone near the shores of a land foreign to him, before a ship came to his rescue and helped him return to his country and/or else he decided to be a little "creative" about retelling circumstances of his sea-fairing journey, in an effort to not disappoint fellow-Kemetian audiences when recounting his experiences on this exotic land of 'Punt', knowing fully well that back in his homeland, that the average person had this 'semi-mythical' preconceived-notion of the "land of Punt". Against that backdrop, staying true to the series of events of one's experiences as they *actually* happened in an exotic land that was otherwise supposed to have this air of a semi "larger-than-life-as-usual" persona to it, would be seen as "life-as-usual", if not boring and unworthy of special attention; but such are the plausible options of motives behind the character of this storytelling, given the mythical aspects of the sailor's recounts.
As always, aspects of this post too will be continuously built on. Watch this space for updates.
The tomb belonged to Sobeknakht, a Governor of El Kab, an important provincial capital during the latter part of the 17th Dynasty (about 1575-1550BC). The inscription describes a ferocious invasion of Egypt by armies from Kush and its allies from the south, including the land of Punt, on the southern coast of the Red Sea. It says that vast territories were affected and describes Sobeknakht's heroic role in organising a counter-attack.
The text takes the form of an address to the living by Sobeknakht: "Listen you, who are alive upon earth . . . Kush came . . . aroused along his length, he having stirred up the tribes of Wawat . . . the land of Punt and the Medjaw. . ." It describes the decisive role played by the "might of the great one, Nekhbet", the vulture-goddess of El Kab, as "strong of heart against the Nubians, who were burnt through fire", while the "chief of the nomads fell through the blast of her flame".
The discovery explains why Egyptian treasures, including statues, stelae and an elegant alabaster vessel found in the royal tomb at Kerma, were buried in Kushite tombs: they were war trophies.
The grammar of the inscription piece, as translated above, clearly presents the "land of Punt" amongst entities that represent an ethnic group and inhabitants of a designated locale that doesn't necessarily represent a nation state; namely, the Medjay and the tribes of Wawat respectively. Although from the looks of it, in that pieces of the text seem to be missing and thus, possibly warranting further examination, the cotexts of the "land of Punt" suggest that it is more likely placed within the context of the latter camp—that is to say, inhabitants of a designated broad or general locale that need not be a centralized state. Like the "tribes of Wawat", it is associated with a designated region or locale, while Medjay as cited, is invoked without a specified territory, which would implicate them as either nomadic types or as a geographically scattered group across territories of multiple polities. In other words, neither of the three named groups here appear to be players of a centralized state, but rather, are implicated as an ethnic group or inhabitants of a designated generalized region who have allied with Kushitic state; Kush is the only other entity that is unequivocally presented grammatically as a state player; that is, acting on behalf of a centralized polity. A curious feature about hieroglyphic invocations of the appellative "Pwnt" (Punt), is that they are generally accompanied by the determinative for "land", at least as demonstrated by the different occasions that have been implicated in this blog post, rather than the glyph of a 'circle enclosing a cross', i.e. "
"[often verbalized as "nwt", where verbalization is warranted] , usually synonymous with a polity or a nation.At any rate, the extract serves as further indication that the "land of Punt" is within geographical proximity to Kush, such that they would conveniently forge political ties and create a unified military front to confront a common foe, which in this case, was the state of Kemet. If the Kushites had to cross the Red Sea, in order to get to the other side only to seek allies, then that undertaking would have involved more work and time consuming. In other words, the indicators point to the African localization of "Pwnt". In light of this adversarial relationship between Kush and Kemet at this particular point in time [since they are known to have more friendly relations in other occasions], from the web, at least one site gathered that,...
The historical frequency of commercial contacts and also the way how the Egyptians had reached Punt indicate - as stated by Fattovich - that it must be located on an area southeast from Nubia. A historical comparison of the contacts lets assume therefore:
- that in the Old Kingdom the goods from Punt had been brought to Egypt on an overland route, whereby this was controlled by the people from Kerma;
- that in the Middle Kingdom the sea route was preferred to travel to Punt, in order to evade the area of Kerma (however, this does not exclude additional contacts on an overland route);
- that in the 2. intermediate period the trade with Punt was controlled by nomads of the eastern desert who for their part had contact with the Kerma culture;
- that in the New Kingdom again ships were sent to Punt, until Nubia was fully controlled by Egypt; thereafter, the goods came also on an overland route, whereby the trade was controlled by nomads of the eastern desert; probably at the same time the trade with the west coast of the Arabian peninsula was started;
- that the contact during the 20. Dynasty was stopped due to climatic changes and resulting political weakness of Egypt;
- that thereafter until Ptolemaic times the trade with Punt and the southern areas of the Red Sea had been under control of people from Arabia, thus, Punt became a mythological idea.
All hints support a localization of Punt in the area at the border between Ethiopia and Sudan
Source: Courtesy of www.maat-ka-ra.de
The Mythical or Spiritual aspect...
'Pwnt' ascended to a legendary status at some point in time, and it is here one comes across mythical themes centered on the region. One good example of this can perhaps be seen in the tale of The Shipwrecked Sailor [ca. 2200 BC] , as found elsewhere on the net:
The wise servant said, "Let thy heart be satisfied, O my lord, for that we have come back to the country; after we have been long on board, and rowed much, the prow has at last touched land. All the people rejoice and embrace us one after another. Moreover, we have come back in good health, and not a man is lacking; although we have been to the ends of Wawat [Nubia], and gone through the land of Senmut [Kush], we have returned in peace, and our land---behold, we have come back to it. Hear me, my lord; I have no other refuge. Wash thee, and turn the water over thy fingers; then go and tell the tale to the majesty."
His lord replied, "Thy heart continues still its wandering words! but although the mouth of a man may save him his words may also cover his face with confusion. Will you do then as your heart moves you? This that you will say, tell quietly."
The sailor then answered, "Now I shall tell that which has happened to me, to my very self. I was going to the mines of Pharaoh, and I went down on the sea in a ship of one hundred and fifty cubits long and forty cubits wide, with one hundred and fifty sailors of the best of Egypt who had seen heaven and earth, and whose hearts were stronger than lions. They had said that the wind would not be contrary, or that there would be none. But as we approached the land, the wind arose, and threw up waves eight cubits high. As for me, I seized a piece of wood; but those who were in the vessel perished, without one remaining. A wave threw me on an island, after that I had been three days alone, without a companion beside my own heart. I laid me in a thicket, and the shadow covered me. Then stretched I my limbs to try to find something for my mouth. I found there figs and grain, melons of all kinds, fishes, and birds. Nothing was lacking. And I satisfied myself; and left on the ground that which was over, of what my arms had been filled withal. I dug a pit, I lighted a fire, and I made a burnt offering unto the gods.
"Suddenly I heard a noise as of thunder, which I thought to be that of a wave of the sea. The trees shook, and the earth was moved. I uncovered my face, and I saw that a serpent drew near. He was thirty cubits long, and his beard greater than two cubits; his body was as overlaid with gold, and his color as that of true lazuli. He coiled himself before me. Then he opened his mouth, while that I lay on my face before him, and he said to me, 'What has brought you, what has brought you, little one, what has brought you? If you say not speedily what has brought you to this isle, I will make you know yourself; as a flame you shall vanish, if you tell me not something I have not heard, or which I knew not, before you.'
"Then he took me in his mouth and carried me to his resting-place, and laid me down without any hurt. I was whole and sound, and nothing was gone from me. Then he opened his mouth against me, while that I lay on my face before him, and he said, 'What has brought you, what has brought you, little one, what has brought you to this isle which is in the sea, and of which the shores are in the midst of the waves?'
"Then I replied to him, and holding my arms low before him, I said to him: 'I was embarked for the mines by the order of the majesty, in a ship, one hundred and fifty cubits was its length, and the width of it forty cubits. It had one hundred and fifty sailors of the best of Egypt, who had seen heaven and earth, and the hearts of whom were stronger than lions. They said that the wind would not be contrary, or that there would be none. Each of them exceeded his companion in the prudence of his heart and the strength of his arm, and I was not beneath any of them. A storm came upon us while we were on the sea. Hardly could we reach to the shore when the wind waxed yet greater, and the waves rose even eight cubits. As for me, I seized a piece of wood, while those who were in the boat perished without one being left with me for three days. Behold me now before you, for I was brought to this isle by a wave of the sea.'
"Then said he to me, 'Fear not, fear not, little one, and make not your face sad. If you have come to me, it is God who has let you live. For it is He who has brought you to this isle of the blest, where nothing is lacking, and which is filled with all good things. See now, you shall pass one month after another, until you shall be four months in this isle. Then a ship shall come from your land with sailors, and you shall leave with them and go to your country, and you shall die in your town.
Converse is pleasing, and he who tastes of it passes over his misery. I will therefore tell you of that which is in this isle. I am here with my brethren and my children around me; we are seventy-five serpents, children, and kindred; without naming a young girl who was brought unto me by chance, and on whom the fire of heaven fell, and burned her to ashes. As for you, if you are strong, and if your heart waits patiently, you shall press your infants to your bosom and embrace your wife. You shall return to your house which is full of all good things, you shall see your land, where you shall dwell in the midst of your kindred.'
"Then I bowed in my obeisance, and I touched the ground before him. 'Behold now that which I have told you before. I shall tell of your presence unto Pharaoh, I shall make him to know of your greatness, and I will bring to you of the sacred oils and perfumes, and of incense of the temples with which all gods are honored. I shall tell, moreover, of that which I do now see (thanks to him), and there shall be rendered to you praises before the fullness of all the land. I shall slay asses for you in sacrifice, I shall pluck for you the birds, and I shall bring for you ships full of all kinds of the treasures of Egypt, as is comely to do unto a god, a friend of men in a far country, of which men know not.'
"Then he smiled at my speech, because of that which was in his heart, for he said to me: 'You are not rich in perfumes, for all that you have is but common incense. As for me, I am prince of the land of Punt, and I have perfumes. Only the oil which you say you would bring is not common in this isle. But, when you shall depart from this place, you shall never more see this isle; it shall be changed into waves.'
"And behold, when the ship drew near, according to all that he had told me before, I got up into an high tree, to strive to see those who were within it. Then I came and told to him this matter, but it was already known unto him before. Then he said to me: 'Farewell, farewell, go to your house, little one, see again your children, and let your name be good in your town; these are my wishes for you.'
"Then I bowed myself before him, and held my arms low before him, and he, he gave me gifts of precious perfumes, of cassia, of sweet woods, of kohl, of cypress, an abundance of incense, of ivory tusks, of baboons, of apes, and all kinds of precious things. I embarked all in the ship which was come, and bowing myself, I prayed God for him. Then he said to me: 'Behold you shall come to your country in two months, you shall press to your bosom your children, and you shall rest in your tomb.'
After this I went down to the shore unto the ship, and I called to the sailors who were there. Then on the shore I rendered adoration to the master of this isle and to those who dwelt therein.
When we shall come, in our return, to the house of Pharaoh, in the second month, according to all that the serpent has said, we shall approach unto the palace. And I shall go in before Pharaoh, I shall bring the gifts which I have brought from this isle into the country. Then he shall thank me before the fullness of the land. Grant then unto me a follower, and lead me to the courtiers of the king. Cast your eye upon me after that I have both seen and proved this. Hear my prayer, for it is good to listen to people. It was said unto me: 'Become a wise man, and you shall come to honor,' and behold I have become such."
This is finished from its beginning unto its end, even as it was found in a writing. It is written by the scribe of cunning fingers, Ameni-amenaa; may he live in life, wealth, and health!
Courtesy of this Link [click here], that provides additional references in an attempt to simply the language.
It is of note that the narrator of the story repeats the theme of having gone first through Wawat and Kush before landing in the land of Punt, which is not inconsistent with what we've seen with regards to the alliance forged between Wawat, Kush, and the Land of Punt in the excerpt above, as mentioned in the inscription found in the tomb of Sobeknakht, Governor of El-Kab, since they each relate the proximity of 'Pwnt' to these other two regional entities. Here too, we come across exotic animals already described above. All that aside, one noticeable mention here, is that of the Serpent prince of 'Pwnt'. Several discussants have pointed to this as another supposed evidence of its location in the African Horn, presumably predicated on the account that serpent worship traditions occurred in that region. However, servent reverance, deification or worship has been seen in a number of parts of the world, including ancient Egypt itself. The narrative around this Serpent prince of Pwnt has taken mythic proportions; for one, it is purported to be a gaint talking one. An interesting feature of the Serpent ruler, is that he was also "bearded" or sported the goatee type that recurringly appears in occupants of 'Pwnt' imagery. These resemble the false beards [or rather, goatees] generally associated with Kemetian Neteru figures, including as an item of symbolism on artistic renditions of pharoahs, who were deemed to be "divine" mortal rulers of the land. While it's possible that the people of 'Pwnt' were generally unshaven characters, the recurring theme, even on a mythified personality such as the sailor's Serpent ruler/prince of 'Pwnt', suggests that it is more likely that this is more a product of ascension of 'Pwnt' to semi-mythical porportions; returning to Adolf Erman, he provides an interesting prespective on what might have precipitated this level of admiration for 'Pwnt', wherein he implicates the relative abundance of goods, that the Kemetians deemed "precious", in the "Land of Punt" as partly responsible for this phenomenon, and indeed, the sailor does mention some of these purported "precious" goods or items, and talks about taking them with him to Kemet; recall for instance, from the story, the following:
Utterance by the Serpent prince of "Pwnt"...
"Then said he to me, 'Fear not, fear not, little one, and make not your face sad. If you have come to me, it is God who has let you live. For it is He who has brought you to this isle of the blest, where nothing is lacking, and which is filled with all good things. See now, you shall pass one month after another, until you shall be four months in this isle. Then a ship shall come from your land with sailors, and you shall leave with them and go to your country, and you shall die in your town.
And the sailor's interaction with the Serpent prince...
"Then I bowed myself before him, and held my arms low before him, and he, he gave me gifts of precious perfumes, of cassia, of sweet woods, of kohl, of cypress, an abundance of incense, of ivory tusks, of baboons, of apes, and all kinds of precious things. I embarked all in the ship which was come, and bowing myself, I prayed God for him. Then he said to me: 'Behold you shall come to your country in two months, you shall press to your bosom your children, and you shall rest in your tomb.'
Now, a look at how Adolf Erman builds the aforementioned case, as noted immediately above; in the process, it may be too tempting not to compare Erman's version of the translations with that provided above about the 'The Shipwrecked Sailor', to see if there are no translatory variations. Recalling an earlier posted Erman's piece, we have [with emphasis on the last sentence of the second paragraph and from thereon]:
Click on the image for hi resolution.
He goes onto reiterate this feeling of admiration for things "Pwnt" on pg 511 that is already posted above [the last Erman piece posted prior to this], and the corresponding semi-mythification of that region, but then turns around and speaks of how Kemetians did not see "Puntites" as their equals, in that the latter were perceived as the lesser cultured ones.
The following pages, 508 to 511, recount the same story about the shipwrecked sailor as that already provided above, but also taking into account why Erman says it has that mythical character just talked about...
Click on the image for hi resolution.
Click on the image for hi resolution.
Click on the image for hi resolution.
Click on the image for hi resolution.
Aside from the extraordinary claims about the "bearded" Serpent talking to the author, who was presumably a victim of a shipwreck, the tale also talks of this taking place on an isle or island. Is this simply the product of mistranslation? If not, then should that too not be taken literally? Certainly, the African Horn is the furthest thing from an island. A case could be made that the sailor had experienced moments of hallucination while being stranded alone near the shores of a land foreign to him, before a ship came to his rescue and helped him return to his country and/or else he decided to be a little "creative" about retelling circumstances of his sea-fairing journey, in an effort to not disappoint fellow-Kemetian audiences when recounting his experiences on this exotic land of 'Punt', knowing fully well that back in his homeland, that the average person had this 'semi-mythical' preconceived-notion of the "land of Punt". Against that backdrop, staying true to the series of events of one's experiences as they *actually* happened in an exotic land that was otherwise supposed to have this air of a semi "larger-than-life-as-usual" persona to it, would be seen as "life-as-usual", if not boring and unworthy of special attention; but such are the plausible options of motives behind the character of this storytelling, given the mythical aspects of the sailor's recounts.
As always, aspects of this post too will be continuously built on. Watch this space for updates.
Sunday, October 26, 2008
Ancient Nile Valley influences in Extra-Nile Valley Art
Herein we will look at various Nile Valley influences in contemporaneous cultures around the Mediterranean sea and its spread thereof. For instance, given the Egyptian incursions into the Levant, Canaan in particular, their cultural impact in that area should really come as no surprise. In this regard, Egyptian involvement in the said region had taken a noticeably resolute turn under Rameses II; and under the 25th Dynasty, we see further Egyptian military adventures in the area, mainly against Assyrians. Additionally, of course, mainland ancient Greece, and its precursor cultural complex in the Cretan islands — the Minoan social complex, were notably recipients of ancient Nile Valley cultural diffusions. Let's take a look at examples...
Kushites in "Mesopotamian" art:
A male likely of Kushitic-origin, carrying a leopard skin, and accompanied by a monkey, and an oryx: Neo-Assyrian; 8th–7th century B.C.
Excavated at Fort Shalmaneser, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), Mesopotamia
"Phoenician style" Ivory; H. 5 5/16 in. (13.5 cm)
Rogers Fund, 1960
Specifications [Hint: click on the photo to get a higher resolution]
Height: 10.350 cm
Width: 10.200 cm
Thickness: 2.450 cm (max.)
Weight: 151.000 g
ME 127412
Room 57-9: Ancient Levant
Inlaid ivory panel of a lioness devouring a boy
Phoenician, 9th-8th century BC From the palace of Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud, northern Iraq
'I'm not sure how I feel about this piece, however it sort of brings to mind a piece of memorabilia of a black figure. It's quite sensual looking, the young African man appears to be held in a kind of embrace by the lioness. It's also reminiscent of Dracula imagery in Europe too. His hair and facial features tell me that he is indeed a young African man but the museum title doesn't mention this, and I wonder why. It's very common for this kind of omission to occur. There's something about this boy, there's gold leaf on him, and armlets, it suggests to me that he may have been important in some way, was he a noble family's son perhaps?' Anita Mckenzie, of African, Caribbean and Indian heritage
The panel was found at the Assyrian capital city of Nimrud in northern Mesopotamia. It was recovered by the excavator Max Mallowan from the bottom of an ancient well in the palace of the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II (reigned 883-859 BC). It had probably been thrown there during the destruction of the palace in the late seventh century BC. The carving is Phoenician in style, which suggests that the piece of furniture may have been made in one of the Phoenician centres along the Levantine coast, and come to the Assyrian capital as tribute or booty. The carving shows an African boy with jewelled armlets and bracelets being attacked by a lioness. Above them is a dense network of lilies and papyrus. Much of the surface of the ivory was once overlaid with gold leaf and inlaid with carnelian and lapis lazuli. Some of this survives and there are traces of the blue mortar into which the lapis lazuli inlays were pressed. The African wears a short kilt covered in gold leaf. The curls of his hair are marked with gold. A spot of lapis lazuli is also inlaid on the forehead of the lioness. D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995) R.D. Barnett, A catalogue of the Nimrud ivor (London, The British Museum Press, 1975) J.E. Curtis and J.E. Reade (eds), Art and empire: treasures from (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
What is being referred to as "curls of his hair" above, could very likely be a wig, relatively short and frizzy — the kind that had become a sort of Kushitic signature wear, that is — amongst the rich pool of fascinating and diverse garments often displayed on the people of Kush and thereof, Meroe; this may explain why it is also tinged with gold. Perhaps the wig style in question is made rather more obvious on the aforementioned "Nubian" figure at the very top, accompanied by the monkey and oryx figurines. The interesting thing about this "Nubian" figurine, is that we are told that it is presumably that of a tribute bearer (as is supposedly also the case in the one below, carrying an antelope-like creature on his shoulders); one can only discern from this, that such personalities were presumably captives of war stationed in the Levant or the vicinity thereof itself, that is — as opposed to personalities sent by a semi-autonomous regime in either the Kushitic or Egyptian complex under foreign rule, but it is worth remembering that, neither Kush, nor Dynastic Egypt under the 25th Dynasty rulers of Kushtic origin, were ever brought under the Assyrian territorial hold. One will recall that the Kushites were a force to be reckoned with, even from the Roman standpoint, when Egypt was brought under the Roman sphere of influence. Their reputation as fighters seems to have led to their call for "rescuing" the ancient Hebrews from Assyrian onslaught, sometime during the 25th Dynasty [see: The Rescue of Jerusalem: The Alliance Between Hebrews and Africans in 701 B.C., by Henry T. Aubin (April 1, 2003)].
Kushites in "Mesopotamian" art:
Excavated at Fort Shalmaneser, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), Mesopotamia
"Phoenician style" Ivory; H. 5 5/16 in. (13.5 cm)
Rogers Fund, 1960
From the Metropolitan Museum of Art, we are told: Phoenician ivory carvers were strongly influenced by the themes and style of Egyptian art owing to longstanding ties between the two cultures. Some Phoenician ivories illustrate purely Egyptian themes, but many use Egyptian motifs in entirely original compositions.
Specifications [Hint: click on the photo to get a higher resolution]
Height: 10.350 cm
Width: 10.200 cm
Thickness: 2.450 cm (max.)
Weight: 151.000 g
ME 127412
Room 57-9: Ancient Levant
Courtesy of the British Museum, we are given the following comments about the above the ivory piece displaying what appears to be a Kushitic boy being attacked by a lioness:
Inlaid ivory panel of a lioness devouring a boy
Phoenician, 9th-8th century BC From the palace of Ashurnasirpal II, Nimrud, northern Iraq
'I'm not sure how I feel about this piece, however it sort of brings to mind a piece of memorabilia of a black figure. It's quite sensual looking, the young African man appears to be held in a kind of embrace by the lioness. It's also reminiscent of Dracula imagery in Europe too. His hair and facial features tell me that he is indeed a young African man but the museum title doesn't mention this, and I wonder why. It's very common for this kind of omission to occur. There's something about this boy, there's gold leaf on him, and armlets, it suggests to me that he may have been important in some way, was he a noble family's son perhaps?' Anita Mckenzie, of African, Caribbean and Indian heritage
The panel was found at the Assyrian capital city of Nimrud in northern Mesopotamia. It was recovered by the excavator Max Mallowan from the bottom of an ancient well in the palace of the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II (reigned 883-859 BC). It had probably been thrown there during the destruction of the palace in the late seventh century BC. The carving is Phoenician in style, which suggests that the piece of furniture may have been made in one of the Phoenician centres along the Levantine coast, and come to the Assyrian capital as tribute or booty. The carving shows an African boy with jewelled armlets and bracelets being attacked by a lioness. Above them is a dense network of lilies and papyrus. Much of the surface of the ivory was once overlaid with gold leaf and inlaid with carnelian and lapis lazuli. Some of this survives and there are traces of the blue mortar into which the lapis lazuli inlays were pressed. The African wears a short kilt covered in gold leaf. The curls of his hair are marked with gold. A spot of lapis lazuli is also inlaid on the forehead of the lioness. D. Collon, Ancient Near Eastern art (London, The British Museum Press, 1995) R.D. Barnett, A catalogue of the Nimrud ivor (London, The British Museum Press, 1975) J.E. Curtis and J.E. Reade (eds), Art and empire: treasures from (London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
What is being referred to as "curls of his hair" above, could very likely be a wig, relatively short and frizzy — the kind that had become a sort of Kushitic signature wear, that is — amongst the rich pool of fascinating and diverse garments often displayed on the people of Kush and thereof, Meroe; this may explain why it is also tinged with gold. Perhaps the wig style in question is made rather more obvious on the aforementioned "Nubian" figure at the very top, accompanied by the monkey and oryx figurines. The interesting thing about this "Nubian" figurine, is that we are told that it is presumably that of a tribute bearer (as is supposedly also the case in the one below, carrying an antelope-like creature on his shoulders); one can only discern from this, that such personalities were presumably captives of war stationed in the Levant or the vicinity thereof itself, that is — as opposed to personalities sent by a semi-autonomous regime in either the Kushitic or Egyptian complex under foreign rule, but it is worth remembering that, neither Kush, nor Dynastic Egypt under the 25th Dynasty rulers of Kushtic origin, were ever brought under the Assyrian territorial hold. One will recall that the Kushites were a force to be reckoned with, even from the Roman standpoint, when Egypt was brought under the Roman sphere of influence. Their reputation as fighters seems to have led to their call for "rescuing" the ancient Hebrews from Assyrian onslaught, sometime during the 25th Dynasty [see: The Rescue of Jerusalem: The Alliance Between Hebrews and Africans in 701 B.C., by Henry T. Aubin (April 1, 2003)].
A "Nubian" male likely of Kushitic-origin [S881 Nimrud Ivory], carrying what appears to be an antelope-like creature on his shoulders, and leading a what looks like a calf at the same time. The kilt style, that distinctive-looking short frizzy wig, and armlets appear to be reoccurring themes on these "Nubian" personalities, whom to reiterate, were very likely of Kushitic-origin. This neo-Assyrian era [ca. 800 BC] carved ivory too was uncovered in the Nimrud region. Dimensions & Measurements [presumably of figurines]: Height: 5.5434 cm, Height: 3.5434 cm, Height: 7.5434 cm and ID: 8341
One can only assume that these were carved by artistically-skilled Nile Valley war captives themselves, or just as likely [in fact, the more likely scenario of the two, given the synchronizing of Phoenician style renditions with Nile Valley themes], their former allies in the so-called Near Eastern region, now under some form of foreign control, if indeed these items are depicting "tribute bearers" paying tribute to some non-Nile Valley authority; not to be ruled out, these carvings could well also be the work of artists of Assyrian origin themselves, depicting presumably "tribute bearers" from amongst personalities of Assyrian captives of war, and/or "symbolic" renditions of their rivals or enemies, presumably of both "Nubian" and some "Near Eastern" origin, as tribute to some new found authority of Assyrians. If so, this might likely have coincided with the timeline when Kushitic rulers of 25th Dynasty Egypt withdrew their hold on Egypt, and presumably retreated back to Kush. Again, notwithstanding, it should be noted that no record of note has been brought to the fore, suggesting that either Egyptian or Kushitic territory were brought under direct control of Assyrians. On the other hand, Assyrians supposedly did find some opportunistic-ally in a native Egyptian ruler after the 25th Dynasty. Not to be dismissed either, and one that is noticeably overlooked in some quarters, is the possibility of these ivory items being attained through exchange of trade relations, as nothing particularly about the themes of the "Nubian" animal tenders in question standout as indicative of one under captivity or prisoner of war. This may be an even more likely scenario than any of the aforementioned speculations, when one considers the fact that many of these so-called "Nubian" human figurines appear to be well-dressed for the time and place in question, decorated or ornamented and healed; nothing about them speaks aloud of "involuntary servitude". As far as the earlier reckoning by Anita Mckenzie is concerned, with regards to the armlets, it might well be over-signifying the role of the armlets, as it appears to have been one of those reoccurring themes on "Nubian" personalities of these ivory carvings. All three renditions of "Nubian" personalities above appear to be sporting said armlets, not to mention necklace [particularly obvious on the topmost figurine image posted here]; the image-resolution of the figurine right above, not to mention the wear and tear of the article itself, does not allow one to ascertain whether the male therein too is wearing a bracelet, but clear enough to show that he is certainly wearing an armlet. The boy being attacked certainly is wearing bracelets. As far the issue of the importance attached to the inlaying of the attire with gold is concerned, well, that may be another matter.
Below, we have a golden plague displaying Amenemhat IV offering Atum ointment. The plague is said to be likely from Byblos, which lay in what is now part of modern Lebanon. It supposedly dates back to the 12 Dynasty era, ca. 1795 BC, courtesy the British Museum...
Specifications: Width - 3cm , and length - 3cm; EA 59194
Courtesy of the British Museum, we are told this about the piece:
The plaque was made using the technique called 'ajouré'. The design is cut out of sheet metal by using a chisel to punch around the outline; the Egyptian craftsman did not possess shears or fine saws. To get over the difficulty of producing smooth edges, strips of metal were soldered onto the base plate to provide cells into which inlay could be added. This technique was often used to produce pectorals and other pieces of jewelery. Openwork pieces without further adornment are quite rare. Here the details on the figures and hieroglyphs have been chased onto the metal using a fine chisel and mallet. The work is of extremely high quality, particularly the delicate modeling of the muscles of the legs of the figures. The discovery of the plaque at Byblos shows that Egypt had contacts, probably through trade, with this important port during the Middle Kingdom (2040-1750 BC).
E.R. Russmann,Eternal Egypt: masterworks of (University of California Press, 2001)
I. Shaw and P. Nicholson (eds.), British Museum dictionary of A(London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
S. Quirke and A.J. Spencer, The British Museum book of anc(London, The British Museum Press, 1992)
Next, is a Phoenician style bronze bowl, dating back to ca. 800 BC, uncovered at Nimrud, which is now part of what is northern Iraq; it clearly depicts human figures, in particular—faces spread in a "petal-like" fashion towards the center of the bowl, sporting Egyptianized facial themes, like for example, the extended eye-lines, and wearing unmistakably conventional Egyptian royal headdresses; also, visible in some areas, and nearer to the edges of the bowl, are several standing figures, wearing what appears to be Egyptian-style headdresses or crowns...
Specifications: Width - 8.5 in, length - 8.5 in, and thickness is 1 in; ME N65
Courtesy of the British Museum, the following descriptions for the bronze bowl above is provided to us:
The slaying of the demon Humbaba This very fragmentary bronze platter was discovered in the last century in the palace of the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. It was probably acquired as tribute or booty by the Assyrian monarchs as they led their armies towards the Mediterranean.
The decoration is typically Phoenician, a mixture of Near Eastern and Egyptian motifs. One figure with raised hands and gripping a demon's hair has been identified as related to the slaying of Humbaba. This is part of the story of the Mesopotamian hero king Gilgamesh who, with his companion Enkidu, defeated the demon Humbaba. This tale is first known from Sumerian stories of the early second millennium BC, but by around 1200 BC the Epic of Gilgamesh, which incorporated the Humbaba story, had became known throughout the Near East: fragments of cuneiform tablets recording the tales are known from Megiddo in Palestine, Emar on the Euphrates, south of Carchemish, and Hattusas, capital of the Hittites in Anatolia.
Here the slaying of Humbaba is incorporated into a scene where figures are depicted as Egyptian pharaohs.
W.G. Lambert, 'Gilgamesh in literature and art: the second and first millennia' in Monsters and demons in the anc (Mainz, 1987)
A.H. Layard, Discoveries in the ruins of Ni (London, J. Murray, 1853)
From the following 'black and white' Chicago Oriental Institute photo collection, we come across a number of Neo-Assyrian era ivory carvings, which are noticeable for their display of discrete examples of major Nile Valley head-gear styles:
A plethora of Egyptian themes incorporated into Phoenician-style/influenced art had been uncovered in the Nimrud area, not to mention reoccurring displays of figures wearing the double crown [sporting a rearing uraeus/cobra-like figure], like in the rendition below...
Specifications: Ivory; width at the top - 3.5cm, width at the bottom - 5.1cm, height - 6.5cm and thickness - .6cm; excavation number - ND9423. It dates back to ca. 800 BC.
Not in a too different style, other Nile-Valley themed figures displaying wigs, along with crowns, are shown kneeling, with arms raised — reminiscent of the figure above...
Image - front and back end; specifications: Ivory; width - 3.2cm, height - 3.8cm, and thickness - .7cm, dating back to ca. 800 BC or so; excavation number - ND10479.
Notice the attempt to give the wig a frizzy look, and then of course, on top of the wig, a rather small-sized double-crown head-gear is seen. Others yet, like the example below, are only shown with the wig, with no crown at all...
Specifications: Ivory; height - 4.4cm, width - 3cm, and thickness - .6cm; excavation number - ND10658, dating back to ca. 800 BC.
The figure above, perhaps more worn off when compared to the example immediately above it, is unmistakably wearing a wig, but this time around, no display of a crown.
In lieu of the traditional Red and/or White crown, in certain cases, a winged sun-disc head gear is portrayed, like the examples below...
Specifications: Top fragment is ivory, with a height of 2.5cm, width of 2.7cm, and a thickness of .4cm; bottom fragment has a height of 2.4cm, a width of 3.2cm, and a thickness of .5cm. The item, with an excavation number of ND13395, as appears to be the case for all the other Neo-Assyrian era items [uncovered in the Nimrud region] mentioned, dates back to ca. 800 BC or so.
In the rendition above, rather than a wig on this occasion, the kneeling figure is wearing the conventional ancient Egyptian royal-style "cloth" headdress.
Here is another example, but a rather more complete one this time around, with even the neck gear showing...
Specifications: Neo-Assyrian era carved ivory uncovered from the Nimrud area; height - 5.2cm, and width - 3.1cm; excavation number - ND13155.
Rather incomplete, but from what is displayed on what remains of the head-figure, one notices a crown with a uraeus (cobra-like figure) attached to the front...
Specifications: Neo-Assyrian era Ivory; height - 3.5cm, width - 4.4cm, thickness - 1.2cm, and a tenon of 4.9cm; excavation number - ND13456.
Hey, forget about conventional human figures just wearing a headdress and/or even a crown! Why not have something vastly different altogether [from the examples above], but still keeping with Egyptian themes? Yeap, a Heru-like rendition fits the bill...
Specifications: Neo-Assyrian era Ivory; height - 6.3cm and width - 3.4cm; excavation number - ND10486.
The kneeling-figure rendition above essentially displays a comprehensive assortment of ancient Egyptian themes; from the double-crown, the falcon head gear, to the distinctive wig attached. The figure's short-sleeved top/robe is yet another visibly distinctive element, vis-a-vis the various examples of attire already shown in the other imagery so far posted.
Back to imagery in color! Below, we have in color, a display with many things going on in there...
Specifications, courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum: Egyptianizing figures on either side of a tree with a winged disk, 8th–7th century B.C Neo-Assyrian Mesopotamia, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu) Ivory; H. 4.88 in. (12.4 cm) Rogers Fund, 1962 (62.269.3
Much of what is displayed in the ivory carving above, is pretty much obvious, although some might have a little trouble in either identifying certain objects or how one interprets certain objects: Across the top portion of the ivory-carving, there are what appears to be 10 "cobra" heads, each displaying what appears to be sun-disc crowns. Right beneath those cobra heads, one notices a "winged" sun disc. Then comes the two male figures, each wearing the double crown; in between them, one sees a large plant-like "scepter" or shaft that is rooted in the ground and sporting large horn-like extensions [which might well have been intended to be caricatures of leaves, emulating the horns of a ram], and topped off by what might be a petal-like gear. Close to either side of the plant structure, both males appear to be holding onto a small ram-headed shaft/scepter in their right hand, each sporting a sun disc crown on their head. Near the base of the said middle shaft or trunk of the plant figure, a branch from its either side springs out, terminating into what appear to be leave renditions [which appear to emulate the horns of a ram], with each topped off by petal-like structures. The male figure on the right hand side, appears to be holding yet another scepter or shaft in his left hand; this shaft seems to be the conventional Egyptian "Was" scepter. Whereas the male figure on the left hand side, is holding an "ewer" in his left hand. Now, the attire of these two male figures in itself is interesting — there appears to be some cloak-like extension, from their waist-line, emanating from their kilt, perhaps attached to the kilt by a belt or "belt-like" form. On the kilts, one notices designs sporting "hanging" cobras or uraei, in lieu of where a "penis" sheath would otherwise be shown; in fact, such a sheath appears to be more apparent on the kilt of the male figure standing on the left hand side, but on the inside of the kilt. Other visible items are, a "rearing" uraeus attached to the front of the crown of the male on the left hand side [it appears to have been chipped off on that of the male on the right hand side], the neck gears of both the male figures, and their "fake" or symbolic beards usually reserved for figures of royalty and/or divinity.
Going "Persian"!...
Cyrus the Great
Switching gears for a moment to Greek art, and traces of Nile Valley themes therein...
The following Archaic Greek life-size statues are notable for the postures, with hands clutched and the left foot a step forward from that of the right counterpart. Now where have we seen this theme? Ah yes, the theme was popularized by ancient Egyptians, as we will shortly see examples of...
Courtesy of GreekLandscapes.com, we are told: Kore (Phrasikleia) by Ariston of Paros and Kouros, lifesize, circa 550 B.C. Found in a pit at Merenda in Attica in 1972.
Note the posture of especially the male figure on the right.
Courtesy of GreekLandscapes.com: Kouros Marble, lifesize, circa 540 B.C. Found at the cemetery of Anavysos
Although the available resolution of this image is quite low, what appears to be a distinctively Afro-hair style look, is hard to miss.
In the Minoan collection, we bump into this falcon rendition, dating to ca. 1700-1550 BC...
Specifications: Length: 4 cm, height: 2.1 cm, and weight: 45.5 g; excavation ID - GR 1876.11-20.2 (Jewellery 817).
It is heavily tinged with Egyptian theme, so much so that if it weren't for the supposed "head" rendition, even the British Museum commentators would have reckoned it to be a fully-imported Egyptian item. To put it precisely in their own terms, they say:
Although this falcon was found in Crete, it is very Egyptian-looking in style and technique. Falcons were important in Egyptian symbolism: the sun-god Re was represented above all as a falcon, the perfect symbol of power in the sunlit skies of Egypt...
It has also been suggested that the style of the head is not Egyptian, so it could be a Minoan work heavily influenced by Egyptian jewellery. In either case it is evidence of contacts and artistic exchanges between the two areas at the time.
Furthermore...
The wings originally had an inlay: faint traces have been identified as diopside, a semi-precious stone. It is possible that the bird was originally part of a larger and more elaborate piece of jewelery, perhaps occupying the corner of an Egyptian pectoral (chest) ornament of roughly rectangular shape. A small, rough hole at the top of the bird's back, and two neat holes through the tip of the talon and the right wing were perhaps for attachment. However, the holes may have been made to adapt the piece, perhaps as a pendant, and this work may have been done in Crete.
R. Higgins, The Aegina Treasure: an archae (London, 1979)
Taking a look at an example, unquestionably Egyptian in origin...
Specifications: Gold pectoral of a hovering falcon From Egypt; dating to about the Late Period, after 600 BC; Width: 14.800 cm.
A fairly decent description of this falcon had been provided by a British Museum commentator; this is how it went:
Inlaid with multi-coloured glass
Pectorals first appear in royal burials of the Middle Kingdom (about 2040-1750 BC), but are known from wall decoration of the Old Kingdom (about 2613-2160 BC). They are usually made of precious metal, inlaid with semi-precious stone or coloured glass. Pectorals were often placed on the chest of the mummy. Twenty-six pectorals were found in the tomb of Tutankhamun. Some were placed on his body, while others were found in one of the Anubis shrines and chests. Many pieces were worn during life as they show signs of wear.
The decoration of pectorals was often associated with kingship, and with the protection of the gods. Symbols for eternity, life and protection are also often included. Falcons with outstretched wings were a popular motif. Their form allowed for elaborate and colourful inlays. The falcon was associated with the sun god, and with the ba. The ba was the element of an individual which is close to what we would call the 'personality'. The ba, represented by a bird, usually with a human head, was believed to stay close to the body.
S. Quirke and A.J. Spencer, The British Museum book of anc (London, The British Museum Press, 1992)
Turning to the Sphinx, perhaps the most famous Nile Valley artistic theme aside the pyramid!...
Photos of the Giza Sphinx, supposedly taken in 1849 and in 1870 by Maxime du Camp and Sebah respectively.
Sphinx photos purportedly taken in 1877, in 1880 by Zangak, and 1885 respectively.
Below, we have a golden plague displaying Amenemhat IV offering Atum ointment. The plague is said to be likely from Byblos, which lay in what is now part of modern Lebanon. It supposedly dates back to the 12 Dynasty era, ca. 1795 BC, courtesy the British Museum...
Specifications: Width - 3cm , and length - 3cm; EA 59194
Courtesy of the British Museum, we are told this about the piece:
The plaque was made using the technique called 'ajouré'. The design is cut out of sheet metal by using a chisel to punch around the outline; the Egyptian craftsman did not possess shears or fine saws. To get over the difficulty of producing smooth edges, strips of metal were soldered onto the base plate to provide cells into which inlay could be added. This technique was often used to produce pectorals and other pieces of jewelery. Openwork pieces without further adornment are quite rare. Here the details on the figures and hieroglyphs have been chased onto the metal using a fine chisel and mallet. The work is of extremely high quality, particularly the delicate modeling of the muscles of the legs of the figures. The discovery of the plaque at Byblos shows that Egypt had contacts, probably through trade, with this important port during the Middle Kingdom (2040-1750 BC).
E.R. Russmann,Eternal Egypt: masterworks of (University of California Press, 2001)
I. Shaw and P. Nicholson (eds.), British Museum dictionary of A(London, The British Museum Press, 1995)
S. Quirke and A.J. Spencer, The British Museum book of anc(London, The British Museum Press, 1992)
Next, is a Phoenician style bronze bowl, dating back to ca. 800 BC, uncovered at Nimrud, which is now part of what is northern Iraq; it clearly depicts human figures, in particular—faces spread in a "petal-like" fashion towards the center of the bowl, sporting Egyptianized facial themes, like for example, the extended eye-lines, and wearing unmistakably conventional Egyptian royal headdresses; also, visible in some areas, and nearer to the edges of the bowl, are several standing figures, wearing what appears to be Egyptian-style headdresses or crowns...
Specifications: Width - 8.5 in, length - 8.5 in, and thickness is 1 in; ME N65
Courtesy of the British Museum, the following descriptions for the bronze bowl above is provided to us:
The slaying of the demon Humbaba This very fragmentary bronze platter was discovered in the last century in the palace of the Assyrian king Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud. It was probably acquired as tribute or booty by the Assyrian monarchs as they led their armies towards the Mediterranean.
The decoration is typically Phoenician, a mixture of Near Eastern and Egyptian motifs. One figure with raised hands and gripping a demon's hair has been identified as related to the slaying of Humbaba. This is part of the story of the Mesopotamian hero king Gilgamesh who, with his companion Enkidu, defeated the demon Humbaba. This tale is first known from Sumerian stories of the early second millennium BC, but by around 1200 BC the Epic of Gilgamesh, which incorporated the Humbaba story, had became known throughout the Near East: fragments of cuneiform tablets recording the tales are known from Megiddo in Palestine, Emar on the Euphrates, south of Carchemish, and Hattusas, capital of the Hittites in Anatolia.
Here the slaying of Humbaba is incorporated into a scene where figures are depicted as Egyptian pharaohs.
W.G. Lambert, 'Gilgamesh in literature and art: the second and first millennia' in Monsters and demons in the anc (Mainz, 1987)
A.H. Layard, Discoveries in the ruins of Ni (London, J. Murray, 1853)
From the following 'black and white' Chicago Oriental Institute photo collection, we come across a number of Neo-Assyrian era ivory carvings, which are noticeable for their display of discrete examples of major Nile Valley head-gear styles:
A plethora of Egyptian themes incorporated into Phoenician-style/influenced art had been uncovered in the Nimrud area, not to mention reoccurring displays of figures wearing the double crown [sporting a rearing uraeus/cobra-like figure], like in the rendition below...
Specifications: Ivory; width at the top - 3.5cm, width at the bottom - 5.1cm, height - 6.5cm and thickness - .6cm; excavation number - ND9423. It dates back to ca. 800 BC.
Not in a too different style, other Nile-Valley themed figures displaying wigs, along with crowns, are shown kneeling, with arms raised — reminiscent of the figure above...
Image - front and back end; specifications: Ivory; width - 3.2cm, height - 3.8cm, and thickness - .7cm, dating back to ca. 800 BC or so; excavation number - ND10479.
Notice the attempt to give the wig a frizzy look, and then of course, on top of the wig, a rather small-sized double-crown head-gear is seen. Others yet, like the example below, are only shown with the wig, with no crown at all...
Specifications: Ivory; height - 4.4cm, width - 3cm, and thickness - .6cm; excavation number - ND10658, dating back to ca. 800 BC.
The figure above, perhaps more worn off when compared to the example immediately above it, is unmistakably wearing a wig, but this time around, no display of a crown.
In lieu of the traditional Red and/or White crown, in certain cases, a winged sun-disc head gear is portrayed, like the examples below...
Specifications: Top fragment is ivory, with a height of 2.5cm, width of 2.7cm, and a thickness of .4cm; bottom fragment has a height of 2.4cm, a width of 3.2cm, and a thickness of .5cm. The item, with an excavation number of ND13395, as appears to be the case for all the other Neo-Assyrian era items [uncovered in the Nimrud region] mentioned, dates back to ca. 800 BC or so.
In the rendition above, rather than a wig on this occasion, the kneeling figure is wearing the conventional ancient Egyptian royal-style "cloth" headdress.
Here is another example, but a rather more complete one this time around, with even the neck gear showing...
Specifications: Neo-Assyrian era carved ivory uncovered from the Nimrud area; height - 5.2cm, and width - 3.1cm; excavation number - ND13155.
Rather incomplete, but from what is displayed on what remains of the head-figure, one notices a crown with a uraeus (cobra-like figure) attached to the front...
Specifications: Neo-Assyrian era Ivory; height - 3.5cm, width - 4.4cm, thickness - 1.2cm, and a tenon of 4.9cm; excavation number - ND13456.
Hey, forget about conventional human figures just wearing a headdress and/or even a crown! Why not have something vastly different altogether [from the examples above], but still keeping with Egyptian themes? Yeap, a Heru-like rendition fits the bill...
Specifications: Neo-Assyrian era Ivory; height - 6.3cm and width - 3.4cm; excavation number - ND10486.
The kneeling-figure rendition above essentially displays a comprehensive assortment of ancient Egyptian themes; from the double-crown, the falcon head gear, to the distinctive wig attached. The figure's short-sleeved top/robe is yet another visibly distinctive element, vis-a-vis the various examples of attire already shown in the other imagery so far posted.
Back to imagery in color! Below, we have in color, a display with many things going on in there...
Specifications, courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum: Egyptianizing figures on either side of a tree with a winged disk, 8th–7th century B.C Neo-Assyrian Mesopotamia, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu) Ivory; H. 4.88 in. (12.4 cm) Rogers Fund, 1962 (62.269.3
Going "Persian"!...
Cyrus the Great
It doesn't take much of an imagination to see that the figure of 'Cyrus the Great' above is wearing an Egyptian crown — in particular, the triple Atef flanked by uraeus on either side.
Switching gears for a moment to Greek art, and traces of Nile Valley themes therein...
The following Archaic Greek life-size statues are notable for the postures, with hands clutched and the left foot a step forward from that of the right counterpart. Now where have we seen this theme? Ah yes, the theme was popularized by ancient Egyptians, as we will shortly see examples of...
Courtesy of GreekLandscapes.com, we are told: Kore (Phrasikleia) by Ariston of Paros and Kouros, lifesize, circa 550 B.C. Found in a pit at Merenda in Attica in 1972.
Note the posture of especially the male figure on the right.
"Behind the Phrasikleia Kore in the picture from the National Museum of Athens we see a Sphinx found at Spata in Attica. Marble, circa 570 B.C. Sphinxes were used to top funeral stele in Attica until 530 B.C." - GreekLandscapes.com
Here is a closeup example of another Greek statue...
Courtesy of GreekLandscapes.com: Kouros Marble, lifesize, circa 540 B.C. Found at the cemetery of Anavysos
Now, compare the body posture of the above figure, with that of the Egyptian pharaoh (Menkaure) below...
The Greek examples have their arms to their sides and hands clutched in pretty much the same manner as pharaoh's (Menkaure's), but in the pharaoh's case, he is actually holding onto something; note the step forward by the pharaoh's left foot, vis-a-vis the right one. The Greek examples seem to have done away with the tiny detail of holding an object firmly in the hand, but the overall theme of the body posture, reminiscent of that of the pharaoh example above, leaves not doubt about from where the Greeks came up with the idea; and in fact, courtesy of GreekLandscapes.com, we have:
"The frontal pose, the left foot extended forward, the arms attached or close to the hips, the rigid pose, and the mysterious smile are all characteristics of the Kouros and Kore statues of the Archaic period. The sculpture of the Archaic Greek style is evidently influenced by ancient Egypt as the commerce between the two countries was flourishing."
Perhaps the above mentioned posture is made no more apparent than the following example from ca. 550 BC...
Courtesy of GreekLandscapes.com: Kouros
Lifesize, circa 550 B.C.
From the island of Melos.
"The frontal pose, the left foot extended forward, the arms attached or close to the hips, the rigid pose, and the mysterious smile are all characteristics of the Kouros and Kore statues of the Archaic period. The sculpture of the Archaic Greek style is evidently influenced by ancient Egypt as the commerce between the two countries was flourishing."
Perhaps the above mentioned posture is made no more apparent than the following example from ca. 550 BC...
Courtesy of GreekLandscapes.com: Kouros
Lifesize, circa 550 B.C.
From the island of Melos.
The comparisons may well not be entirely complete, unless an ancient Egyptian example — completely naked, like the case usually was with the Greek examples provided here — is thrown in, so as to match the Greek examples in both total nakedness and general posture:
Although the available resolution of this image is quite low, what appears to be a distinctively Afro-hair style look, is hard to miss.
In the Minoan collection, we bump into this falcon rendition, dating to ca. 1700-1550 BC...
Specifications: Length: 4 cm, height: 2.1 cm, and weight: 45.5 g; excavation ID - GR 1876.11-20.2 (Jewellery 817).
It is heavily tinged with Egyptian theme, so much so that if it weren't for the supposed "head" rendition, even the British Museum commentators would have reckoned it to be a fully-imported Egyptian item. To put it precisely in their own terms, they say:
Although this falcon was found in Crete, it is very Egyptian-looking in style and technique. Falcons were important in Egyptian symbolism: the sun-god Re was represented above all as a falcon, the perfect symbol of power in the sunlit skies of Egypt...
It has also been suggested that the style of the head is not Egyptian, so it could be a Minoan work heavily influenced by Egyptian jewellery. In either case it is evidence of contacts and artistic exchanges between the two areas at the time.
Furthermore...
The wings originally had an inlay: faint traces have been identified as diopside, a semi-precious stone. It is possible that the bird was originally part of a larger and more elaborate piece of jewelery, perhaps occupying the corner of an Egyptian pectoral (chest) ornament of roughly rectangular shape. A small, rough hole at the top of the bird's back, and two neat holes through the tip of the talon and the right wing were perhaps for attachment. However, the holes may have been made to adapt the piece, perhaps as a pendant, and this work may have been done in Crete.
R. Higgins, The Aegina Treasure: an archae (London, 1979)
Taking a look at an example, unquestionably Egyptian in origin...
Specifications: Gold pectoral of a hovering falcon From Egypt; dating to about the Late Period, after 600 BC; Width: 14.800 cm.
A fairly decent description of this falcon had been provided by a British Museum commentator; this is how it went:
Inlaid with multi-coloured glass
Pectorals first appear in royal burials of the Middle Kingdom (about 2040-1750 BC), but are known from wall decoration of the Old Kingdom (about 2613-2160 BC). They are usually made of precious metal, inlaid with semi-precious stone or coloured glass. Pectorals were often placed on the chest of the mummy. Twenty-six pectorals were found in the tomb of Tutankhamun. Some were placed on his body, while others were found in one of the Anubis shrines and chests. Many pieces were worn during life as they show signs of wear.
The decoration of pectorals was often associated with kingship, and with the protection of the gods. Symbols for eternity, life and protection are also often included. Falcons with outstretched wings were a popular motif. Their form allowed for elaborate and colourful inlays. The falcon was associated with the sun god, and with the ba. The ba was the element of an individual which is close to what we would call the 'personality'. The ba, represented by a bird, usually with a human head, was believed to stay close to the body.
S. Quirke and A.J. Spencer, The British Museum book of anc (London, The British Museum Press, 1992)
Turning to the Sphinx, perhaps the most famous Nile Valley artistic theme aside the pyramid!...
Photos of the Giza Sphinx, supposedly taken in 1849 and in 1870 by Maxime du Camp and Sebah respectively.
Not sure about the dates attributed to these photos, but what can be said without a doubt, is that they were likely taken sometime in the 19th century. What is worth noting about these photos, is the changing status of the Sphinx, not to mention attention to its immediate surroundings. Take note for example, that in some photos, the Sphinx is only visible from head to shoulders, with the remainder of its body covered by sand, while in later photos, more of its body is exposed.
There has been reckoning elsewhere that the basic idea of the Sphinx may have actually spread from the Nile Valley to the so-called Near East, and then from there — that is, if not directly from the Nile Valley, to Greece, and thereof, to the "far East". Of course, the supposed counter-argument given to this, is the idea that animal-human mythic renditions are naturally reoccurring themes in human societies; some even make a simple case about the mere availability of certain animal types in the region in question, being some sort of a condition that would deter or even insulate a region from importing a theme involving the animal(s) in question. Perhaps an example of this may be seen in the image below, displaying a Nok [lay in what is now part of Nigeria] wood carving, wherein one notices the human head united with the body of some "dog-like" (?) creature; the peculiar body makes it difficult to immediately identify it with the Sphinx, since it doesn't appear to invoke that of a sitting lion in any immediate sense, and yet, its tail appears to be rather peculiarly too long and slender to be immediately identified with a conventional figure of a dog...
Thanks to a poster in a discussion board, the following scans of various renditions of the so-called "Near Eastern" Sphinx, along with some examples that are reminiscent of Egyptian renditions, were made available:
There has been reckoning elsewhere that the basic idea of the Sphinx may have actually spread from the Nile Valley to the so-called Near East, and then from there — that is, if not directly from the Nile Valley, to Greece, and thereof, to the "far East". Of course, the supposed counter-argument given to this, is the idea that animal-human mythic renditions are naturally reoccurring themes in human societies; some even make a simple case about the mere availability of certain animal types in the region in question, being some sort of a condition that would deter or even insulate a region from importing a theme involving the animal(s) in question. Perhaps an example of this may be seen in the image below, displaying a Nok [lay in what is now part of Nigeria] wood carving, wherein one notices the human head united with the body of some "dog-like" (?) creature; the peculiar body makes it difficult to immediately identify it with the Sphinx, since it doesn't appear to invoke that of a sitting lion in any immediate sense, and yet, its tail appears to be rather peculiarly too long and slender to be immediately identified with a conventional figure of a dog...
Thanks to a poster in a discussion board, the following scans of various renditions of the so-called "Near Eastern" Sphinx, along with some examples that are reminiscent of Egyptian renditions, were made available:
In getting back to that issue about the Nile Valley origin of the Sphinx concept, some reckoning about an independent "Near Eastern" conception of the Sphinx is predicated on the idea that they are contemporaneous, and this supposedly comes from comparing a "life-size" old Kingdom Sphinx — as opposed to the Giza example — with the earliest example supposedly from "Mesopotamia". These advocates date the said Old Kingdom Sphinx earlier than the Giza example; the premise for this is rather flimsy — based on the rigidly-held, if not more a romanticized one, idea in some circles that Khufu must have built the Giza Sphinx. Recent findings by geological experts have put these perceptions of the Giza Sphinx into question. The findings that have been arrived, make it difficult to reconcile the building of the Giza structure with its supposed undertaking some time in the Fourth Dynasty era; dates attained from the geological examination of the structure, at the least go back to the pre-dynastic era. Several of such dating have taken the age of Giza Sphinx back to as far as the turn of the early Holocene, and some consider these to be still "conservative" estimates, while others play it even "safer", by placing to dates that are nearer to the foundation of Dynastic Egypt, but still predating it, mainly out of fear of being typecast as "ridiculous". While these fairly early dates have been attained from examining the overall structure of the Giza Sphinx, many of the experts who attained those dates, all agree that some renovation work on the Giza Sphinx structure had clearly taken place as well; this is where the reworking of the structure at certain points in the Dynastic period, with one of the earliest examples having likely been undertaken some time in the Fourth Dynasty, is not ruled out. Based on these findings, the logical conclusion to be reached, is that the Giza Sphinx represents the earliest example of Sphinx found anywhere, and hence, serves as the definitive Sphinx. Indeed, at least one French author/researcher had been cited acknowledging the concept of Sphinx originating in, or at the very least, first appearing in the Nile Valley before it makes its appearance anywhere else, including the so-called "Mesopotamia".
This carving of the Sphinx of Hetepheres II, daughter of Khufu, dating back to the Fourth Dynasty, is what some refer to as possibly the oldest example of Egyptian Sphinx, even though these same folks would also generally acknowledge that the supposed work on the Giza Sphinx also dates to this period. Now of course, the caveat that comes along with the aforementioned geological examinations that date the Giza Sphinx structure to the pre-dynastic era, is that given the associated researchers generally agree that the Sphinx face as we know it — would have been a major area of reworking upon the orders of the pharaoh [Khufu], so as to have the Sphinx face carved in his image, it is fairly likely that the original face of the Sphinx with which it would have initially been carved is lost to us. After all, the wisdom here, is that Khufu's face would have been different from the original facial rendition of the Giza Sphinx. Even so, one is rarely directed to the specific "Mesopotamian" Sphinx(s) that is supposed to be contemporaneous with the Fourth Dynasty examples.
The mere prospect of lions having been available in the so-called "Mesopotamia" in no way insulates that region from having imported the concept of Sphinx from the Nile Valley, any more than it has insulated the "far East" from having initially imported the concept from Classical Greece, and possibly the so-called "Mesopotamia". On the backdrop of what has been noted above, no "Mesopotamian" Sphinx rendition dates either as early as or earlier than the Giza Sphinx. Initially importing the concept does not preclude its "localized" evolution thereof, as seems to have been the case in say, the "far East". For instance, on a discussion board, one person noted the routine "sitting" posture of ancient Egyptian Sphinxes, while many "Mesopotamian" examples, though by no means an exclusive thing, are shown "standing" all on fours; another person noted the obvious "winged" element of many "Mesopotamian" examples — that the "winged" Sphinx actually proceeds the non-winged example in "Mesopotamia", as a further evolution of the concept therein and hence, are generally figured in later art than the non-winged examples, would have been duly taken into consideration before any presentation of such an element as a supposed counter-argument against concept of Sphinx as initially a cultural import in the so-called "Near East". Pictorial examples of these winged-Sphinxes will follow shortly. Hence, if the mere presence of lions in the so-called "Mesopotamia" had inspired "Mesopotamian" locals of the concept of Sphinx, it certainly doesn't seem to have occurred until well after the idea had originated in the Nile Valley desert.
Wikipedia is a source, as noted here before, that warrants referencing with a critical-eye, and as such, when an unnamed Wiki-author says the following about the Sphinx, the claim is immediately followed up with either cross-referencing it with or at the least, tracing it back to its purported "primary" named sources/authors, which are noted below...
In contrast to the sphinx in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Greece, where the traditions largely have been lost due to the discontinuity of the civilization,[6] the traditions of the "Asian sphinx" are very much alive today.
— Where "[6]" is supposedly referenced from: Demisch, Heinz (1977). Die Sphinx. Geschichte ihrer Darstellung von den Anfangen bis zur Gegenwart.
The above is followed up with this:
The earliest artistic depictions of "sphinxes" from the South Asian subcontinent are to some extent influenced by Hellenistic art and writings. These hail from the period when Buddhist art underwent a phase of Hellenistic influence. But the "sphinxes" from Mathura, Kausambi, and Sanchi, dated to the third century BC until the first century AD, also show a considerable non-Hellenist, indigenous character. It is not possible, therefore, to conclude the concept of the "sphinx" originated through foreign influence.[7].
— Where "[7]" was supposed to have been referenced from the website titled 'sphinxofindia.rajadeekshithar.com', authored by Raja Deekshithar; that website for its part, put it this way:
The earliest textual reference to the sphinx of India is found in the Yajur Veda. The earliest known depictions in stone of sphinxes are found in central and north-west India and date to the 1st century BCE till the 2nd century CE. They are found among the decorations of Hindu, Buddhist and Jain shrines. And they show distinct Hellenistic influences especially in that they often have wings of the type typical of Greek sphinxes.
The earliest dated example of a sphinx in southern India is found among the sculpture in Mamallapuram. In the 6th and 7th century kings of the Pallava dynasty experimented in the vicinity of this ancient port with various architectural and sculptural forms. The domination of the Pallavas was eclipsed in the 9th century by the Chola kings, whose centre of power lay in the delta of the Kaveri river. The Cholas dominated southern India for over four centuries and made generous contributions towards the temples and towards the arts, generating some of the greatest treasures of human civilization. It was in the temples constructed and supported by them that we find many of the early sphinx sculptures. In this period the main characteristics of the purushamriga are lion bodies, with mane, and only a human face, with elongated ears. A few are depicted crouching, and in pairs. Most are striding or jumping. During this period we also see occasionally purushamriga that have the lower body of a lion, with the upper body of a human being, and are shown half up-right. Often they are engaged in the worship of the Shiva Linga with a lamp and a bell. Many of the depictions are narrative panels relating the story of the chase of Bhima by the purushamriga from the Mahabharata. In other parts of India we also find sphinxes depicted in the various local artistic idioms. In the temples of Orissa, for instance in Konarak, Banpur and Garudipancana, besides the half upright lion-human sphinxes, we find the sphinx also as an upright being with a human body, lion’s claws for legs, feet and hands, and human head with fangs. Here they are called Nara-virala... The crouching sphinx with mane and elongated ears. This possibly belongs to the earliest depictions in the specifically Indian artistic idiom. Striding and jumping sphinxes with only human faces also belong largely to early phases. The half upright lion-human figures generally seem to belong to somewhat later to much later phases of development. The fully upright life-size purushamriga represent the final phase of the artistic development of the sphinx in Indian art.
The author concludes with this...
After the early stages of art in north and central India, there is no further evidence for Hellenistic influence. It is therefore possible to conclude this influence was temporary and only relevant with respect to the style of depiction, and did not pertain to or reflect on the concept of the sphinx as such.
And elsewhere the same author says this:
The earliest textual reference to the purushamriga is found in the Yajur Veda in connection with the ashvamedha, the horse-sacrifice. The earliest datable sculptural representations of sphinxes in India are found among the archaeological remains of the Hindu, Buddhist and Jain shrines dating to the first century BCE to the first and second century CE. These belong for the most part to the period of the Kushana dynasty and follow the style of Gandhara art. Examples have been found in Mathura, Bodhgaya, Bharhut, Gandhara, Sanchi, Orissa and other places. Various composite Mythologyological creatures, among them sphinxes, adorn the capitals of pillars, reliefs and freezes. Although the earliest sculptural depictions of sphinxes in the South Asian subcontinent are clearly influenced by Hellenistic inspired early Buddhist art, this does not in my view establish or confirm that the concept of the sphinx was introduced to South Asia through Greek influence. The best argument is that the Buddha himself was first depicted under Hellenistic influence by artists of the Kushana kingdom in the period of Gandhara art . This does not by any means make Gautama the Buddha a Greek prince and saint. According to the doctrinal and oral traditions of south India, the purushamriga is first mentioned in the Yajur Veda, which is dated to a period long before the time of the Greek influence on Indian art. And its ritual role continues till today, in the lamp ceremonies and processions of south Indian temples.
And this...
"The next datable illustration of a sphinx in Indian art is found among the monuments of Mamalapuram, an ancient sea-port some 50 kilometers south of the capital of Tamil Nadu, Chennai (formerly Madras)... The excavation of this cave shrine is dated to the early to middle 7th century. Mamalapuram was one of the centers for the trade between India and the Roman Empire. And Greco-Roman artistic influence cannot be excluded."
Now of course, the key words here are "the earliest" examples show foreign influence, while the progressive or later examples seem to show less and lesser foreign influence. This goes back to the aforementioned point about initial cultural diffusion not precluding eventual localization of an imported concept, and hence, the turning of an initially imported concept into an original local design(s). As noted by the author, not unlike the case of Buddha, the mythic personality of the Purushamriga, for instance, may well itself predate Hellenistic themes in Indian art, but who is to say that the preexisting physical manifestation of this mythic figure did not 'transform' into that of the Sphinx concept, as a result of foreign cultural infusion; to be certain, primary texts ought to clue us in on the prospect of exactly when the Purushamriga took on the form of a Sphinx. Even so, it is highly doubtful that this would be contemporaneous or older than the appearance of the concept in the Nile Valley.
The author tells us that "Purushamriga" means just this:
"The sphinx of India is known as purushamriga, which means human-beast in Sanskrit. Depictions in various styles from different historical periods are found all over the South Asian subcontinent."
And the standard definition of the Sphinx is this...
"According to the dictionary, a sphinx is a composite mythological being with the body of a lion and a human head."
"human-beast" says nothing of the standard definition of the Sphinx, as exemplified by the Giza Sphinx. That aside, the author of course correctly assigns terms for the Sphinx concept according to Egypt, ancient Greece, and India respectively; namely, Sheshep-Ankh [Egyptian terminology], Sphinx [Greek terminology] and Purushamriga [Indian terminology].
The following excerpts from the author in question are particularly interesting:
The author questions..."Could it be concluded from the visual and textual evidence I have gathered through my research and presented in this website, that this mythological composite being called purushamriga is identical with or possibly related to the sphinx known from other parts of the ancient world?"
And sure enough, the author answers..."The description is fitting, and so is the definition. Also the functions are almost similar."
And thereof, the answers to the following questions put forth by the author himself, are answered along the way by himself in many cases...
Questionnaire put forth: "And in case we could prove or establish a relationship, would it have its source in synchronicity, be rooted in an archetypal origin, or would it be one of derivation? And if the sphinx was a cultural derivation, we would have to answer the question whether it was derived from one part of the ancient world to the other, or from a common source."
Connection #1, as acknowledged by the author:
— Basic form of a lion body with a human head.
Connection #2,
— Other remarkable parallels with the depiction of sphinxes in the ancient art of West Asia and the Mediterranean area are the pairing of male-female purushamriga
Connection #3,
— The placement near temple entrances, their depiction on thrones, as vehicles of deities, and trampling on a warrior.
Connection #4,
— Recognized artistic and stylistic influence from Hellenistic sources. This was probably short-lived, in the north-western and central Gangetic plain from the 1st century till the 2nd century BCE. Sometimes the sphinx is here depicted with wings. Although this influence doesn’t seem to have existed beyond this time and area it does show possibly a certain exchange did take place.
Connection #5,
— There are many similarities in the functions of the purushamriga in India and the sphinx of the ancient world. The latter is described as a being of secret and sacred knowledge. In India the purushamriga is said to be a great yogi and depicted as a rishi or seer.
Connection #6,
— Both the sphinx and the purushamriga guard the entrances of temples and ward off evil.
Connection #7,
— Both are portrayed as worshipping and as announcing the epiphany of the deity. Both are also sometimes functioning as the vehicle of deities.
Connection #8, even though the author presents this as a case, wherein the Indian perception is purportedly deviant from the others mentioned, it nonetheless serves to show parallelism between the other cultures mentioned,...
— But although the civilizations of Egypt, West Asia and the Mediterranean see the sphinx as primarily a solar symbol, in the Yajur Veda it is stated to be dedicated to the Moon.
Given these connections laid out above between cultures with the Sphinx concept, let us now confront the concluding questions put forth by the author:
Question: Are the purushamriga in Indian sculpture and ritual associated to the sphinxes of other parts of the ancient world?
Answer: Given the number of commonalities or parallels above, it is rather hard to miss the associations between the said Sphinxes around the world; the number of connections are indeed considerable enough to simply dismiss the phenomenon as mere convergence of independent ideas on different parts of the planet.
Question: Are they derived through artistic or mythological influence?And if so, was the derivation from West to East, or from East to West?
Answer: The aforementioned connections argue for both; mythological influence and artistic influence. Given that the earliest attested Sphinx is found in the Nile Valley, and from what we've just read from the author himself, it is evident that the flow of the basic concept of Sphinx was one of West to East direction, with the Nile Valley Sahara being the likely ultimate origin of the concept.
Question: Or is the sphinx a mythological concept that originates from human civilization beyond our historical horizon? From an as yet un-identified common cultural source? Or do they derive from the archetypal and mythological sub-conscious of ancient peoples?
Answer: As just noted, the connections mentioned are numerous enough to simply dismiss them as mere coincidence. If the basic concept of the Sphinx had independently occurred in different regions of the world, it certainly had not occurred by way tangible evidence, in other parts of the world either prior to or as early as the Nile Valley concept. Given the abundance of well-preserved material in the so-called "Mesopotamia" for instance, when compared to situation in the Nile Valley, it is hard to reconcile that its inhabitants had known about the Sphinx concept all along, at the same time it emerged in the Nile Valley, and yet did not have the instinct to artistically express them. The above mentioned "connections" do seem to hint on a common cultural source; the pointers thus far examined, ultimately place this common cultural source in northeastern Sahara. An ultimate common cultural source to reiterate, does not preclude synchronization of the imported basic-concept with local traditions. Hence, the idea that the said Sphinxes around the world share a common cultural source is not necessarily mutually exclusive to the prospect of synchronization of an initially-imported basic concept with either preexisting and/or newly developed local mythology.
From the referenced website, the following photo collection of the Indian Sphinx are provided:
The first image dates back the era when the earliest artistic examples of Sphinx makes its appearance in the India subcontinent from ca. 100 BC - 200 CE, and the second image, is an example that dates back to the Pallavas Dynasty [ca. 400 CE to 900 CE]
Another example of a "winged" Sphinx, likely amongst of the early examples, and a relief sporting some Sphinx figures at the top of the building.
Relatively later renditions, compared to the examples presented above. Also, more localized artistic themes are apparent here.
Sitting examples of Sphinx, reminiscent of the seemingly most favored posture by ancient Egyptian artists.
More Decorated Bronze Bowls...
Specifications: Diameter: 18 cm and height: 2 cm; Bronze bowl with Egyptian motifs, Phoenician style, dating to about 8th century BC, and Found at Nimrud, northern Iraq; excavation ID - ME N59.
The bronze bowl, like the one posted at the top of this post, but apparently better preserved, is notable for recurring Egyptian themes; namely, what appears to be a Sun-like structure in the center and encircled by winged Sphinxes wearing royal Egyptian headdresses and head gear flanked by kneeling human figures, also wearing Egyptianized-headdresses and attire, holding shafts in either hands. According to the British Museum's site, 'similar bowls have been found at various places in the Mediterranean, including the Greek mainland, Crete and in Etruscan tombs'.
Specifications: Diameter: 21.700 cm and height: 2.850 cm; Phoenician style, 8th century BC Found at Nimrud, in the palace of Ashurnasirpal II - northern Iraq; excavation ID - ME N9.
This carving of the Sphinx of Hetepheres II, daughter of Khufu, dating back to the Fourth Dynasty, is what some refer to as possibly the oldest example of Egyptian Sphinx, even though these same folks would also generally acknowledge that the supposed work on the Giza Sphinx also dates to this period. Now of course, the caveat that comes along with the aforementioned geological examinations that date the Giza Sphinx structure to the pre-dynastic era, is that given the associated researchers generally agree that the Sphinx face as we know it — would have been a major area of reworking upon the orders of the pharaoh [Khufu], so as to have the Sphinx face carved in his image, it is fairly likely that the original face of the Sphinx with which it would have initially been carved is lost to us. After all, the wisdom here, is that Khufu's face would have been different from the original facial rendition of the Giza Sphinx. Even so, one is rarely directed to the specific "Mesopotamian" Sphinx(s) that is supposed to be contemporaneous with the Fourth Dynasty examples.
The mere prospect of lions having been available in the so-called "Mesopotamia" in no way insulates that region from having imported the concept of Sphinx from the Nile Valley, any more than it has insulated the "far East" from having initially imported the concept from Classical Greece, and possibly the so-called "Mesopotamia". On the backdrop of what has been noted above, no "Mesopotamian" Sphinx rendition dates either as early as or earlier than the Giza Sphinx. Initially importing the concept does not preclude its "localized" evolution thereof, as seems to have been the case in say, the "far East". For instance, on a discussion board, one person noted the routine "sitting" posture of ancient Egyptian Sphinxes, while many "Mesopotamian" examples, though by no means an exclusive thing, are shown "standing" all on fours; another person noted the obvious "winged" element of many "Mesopotamian" examples — that the "winged" Sphinx actually proceeds the non-winged example in "Mesopotamia", as a further evolution of the concept therein and hence, are generally figured in later art than the non-winged examples, would have been duly taken into consideration before any presentation of such an element as a supposed counter-argument against concept of Sphinx as initially a cultural import in the so-called "Near East". Pictorial examples of these winged-Sphinxes will follow shortly. Hence, if the mere presence of lions in the so-called "Mesopotamia" had inspired "Mesopotamian" locals of the concept of Sphinx, it certainly doesn't seem to have occurred until well after the idea had originated in the Nile Valley desert.
Wikipedia is a source, as noted here before, that warrants referencing with a critical-eye, and as such, when an unnamed Wiki-author says the following about the Sphinx, the claim is immediately followed up with either cross-referencing it with or at the least, tracing it back to its purported "primary" named sources/authors, which are noted below...
In contrast to the sphinx in Egypt, Mesopotamia, and Greece, where the traditions largely have been lost due to the discontinuity of the civilization,[6] the traditions of the "Asian sphinx" are very much alive today.
— Where "[6]" is supposedly referenced from: Demisch, Heinz (1977). Die Sphinx. Geschichte ihrer Darstellung von den Anfangen bis zur Gegenwart.
The above is followed up with this:
The earliest artistic depictions of "sphinxes" from the South Asian subcontinent are to some extent influenced by Hellenistic art and writings. These hail from the period when Buddhist art underwent a phase of Hellenistic influence. But the "sphinxes" from Mathura, Kausambi, and Sanchi, dated to the third century BC until the first century AD, also show a considerable non-Hellenist, indigenous character. It is not possible, therefore, to conclude the concept of the "sphinx" originated through foreign influence.[7].
— Where "[7]" was supposed to have been referenced from the website titled 'sphinxofindia.rajadeekshithar.com', authored by Raja Deekshithar; that website for its part, put it this way:
The earliest textual reference to the sphinx of India is found in the Yajur Veda. The earliest known depictions in stone of sphinxes are found in central and north-west India and date to the 1st century BCE till the 2nd century CE. They are found among the decorations of Hindu, Buddhist and Jain shrines. And they show distinct Hellenistic influences especially in that they often have wings of the type typical of Greek sphinxes.
The earliest dated example of a sphinx in southern India is found among the sculpture in Mamallapuram. In the 6th and 7th century kings of the Pallava dynasty experimented in the vicinity of this ancient port with various architectural and sculptural forms. The domination of the Pallavas was eclipsed in the 9th century by the Chola kings, whose centre of power lay in the delta of the Kaveri river. The Cholas dominated southern India for over four centuries and made generous contributions towards the temples and towards the arts, generating some of the greatest treasures of human civilization. It was in the temples constructed and supported by them that we find many of the early sphinx sculptures. In this period the main characteristics of the purushamriga are lion bodies, with mane, and only a human face, with elongated ears. A few are depicted crouching, and in pairs. Most are striding or jumping. During this period we also see occasionally purushamriga that have the lower body of a lion, with the upper body of a human being, and are shown half up-right. Often they are engaged in the worship of the Shiva Linga with a lamp and a bell. Many of the depictions are narrative panels relating the story of the chase of Bhima by the purushamriga from the Mahabharata. In other parts of India we also find sphinxes depicted in the various local artistic idioms. In the temples of Orissa, for instance in Konarak, Banpur and Garudipancana, besides the half upright lion-human sphinxes, we find the sphinx also as an upright being with a human body, lion’s claws for legs, feet and hands, and human head with fangs. Here they are called Nara-virala... The crouching sphinx with mane and elongated ears. This possibly belongs to the earliest depictions in the specifically Indian artistic idiom. Striding and jumping sphinxes with only human faces also belong largely to early phases. The half upright lion-human figures generally seem to belong to somewhat later to much later phases of development. The fully upright life-size purushamriga represent the final phase of the artistic development of the sphinx in Indian art.
The author concludes with this...
After the early stages of art in north and central India, there is no further evidence for Hellenistic influence. It is therefore possible to conclude this influence was temporary and only relevant with respect to the style of depiction, and did not pertain to or reflect on the concept of the sphinx as such.
And elsewhere the same author says this:
The earliest textual reference to the purushamriga is found in the Yajur Veda in connection with the ashvamedha, the horse-sacrifice. The earliest datable sculptural representations of sphinxes in India are found among the archaeological remains of the Hindu, Buddhist and Jain shrines dating to the first century BCE to the first and second century CE. These belong for the most part to the period of the Kushana dynasty and follow the style of Gandhara art. Examples have been found in Mathura, Bodhgaya, Bharhut, Gandhara, Sanchi, Orissa and other places. Various composite Mythologyological creatures, among them sphinxes, adorn the capitals of pillars, reliefs and freezes. Although the earliest sculptural depictions of sphinxes in the South Asian subcontinent are clearly influenced by Hellenistic inspired early Buddhist art, this does not in my view establish or confirm that the concept of the sphinx was introduced to South Asia through Greek influence. The best argument is that the Buddha himself was first depicted under Hellenistic influence by artists of the Kushana kingdom in the period of Gandhara art . This does not by any means make Gautama the Buddha a Greek prince and saint. According to the doctrinal and oral traditions of south India, the purushamriga is first mentioned in the Yajur Veda, which is dated to a period long before the time of the Greek influence on Indian art. And its ritual role continues till today, in the lamp ceremonies and processions of south Indian temples.
And this...
"The next datable illustration of a sphinx in Indian art is found among the monuments of Mamalapuram, an ancient sea-port some 50 kilometers south of the capital of Tamil Nadu, Chennai (formerly Madras)... The excavation of this cave shrine is dated to the early to middle 7th century. Mamalapuram was one of the centers for the trade between India and the Roman Empire. And Greco-Roman artistic influence cannot be excluded."
Now of course, the key words here are "the earliest" examples show foreign influence, while the progressive or later examples seem to show less and lesser foreign influence. This goes back to the aforementioned point about initial cultural diffusion not precluding eventual localization of an imported concept, and hence, the turning of an initially imported concept into an original local design(s). As noted by the author, not unlike the case of Buddha, the mythic personality of the Purushamriga, for instance, may well itself predate Hellenistic themes in Indian art, but who is to say that the preexisting physical manifestation of this mythic figure did not 'transform' into that of the Sphinx concept, as a result of foreign cultural infusion; to be certain, primary texts ought to clue us in on the prospect of exactly when the Purushamriga took on the form of a Sphinx. Even so, it is highly doubtful that this would be contemporaneous or older than the appearance of the concept in the Nile Valley.
The author tells us that "Purushamriga" means just this:
"The sphinx of India is known as purushamriga, which means human-beast in Sanskrit. Depictions in various styles from different historical periods are found all over the South Asian subcontinent."
And the standard definition of the Sphinx is this...
"According to the dictionary, a sphinx is a composite mythological being with the body of a lion and a human head."
"human-beast" says nothing of the standard definition of the Sphinx, as exemplified by the Giza Sphinx. That aside, the author of course correctly assigns terms for the Sphinx concept according to Egypt, ancient Greece, and India respectively; namely, Sheshep-Ankh [Egyptian terminology], Sphinx [Greek terminology] and Purushamriga [Indian terminology].
The following excerpts from the author in question are particularly interesting:
The author questions..."Could it be concluded from the visual and textual evidence I have gathered through my research and presented in this website, that this mythological composite being called purushamriga is identical with or possibly related to the sphinx known from other parts of the ancient world?"
And sure enough, the author answers..."The description is fitting, and so is the definition. Also the functions are almost similar."
And thereof, the answers to the following questions put forth by the author himself, are answered along the way by himself in many cases...
Questionnaire put forth: "And in case we could prove or establish a relationship, would it have its source in synchronicity, be rooted in an archetypal origin, or would it be one of derivation? And if the sphinx was a cultural derivation, we would have to answer the question whether it was derived from one part of the ancient world to the other, or from a common source."
Connection #1, as acknowledged by the author:
— Basic form of a lion body with a human head.
Connection #2,
— Other remarkable parallels with the depiction of sphinxes in the ancient art of West Asia and the Mediterranean area are the pairing of male-female purushamriga
Connection #3,
— The placement near temple entrances, their depiction on thrones, as vehicles of deities, and trampling on a warrior.
Connection #4,
— Recognized artistic and stylistic influence from Hellenistic sources. This was probably short-lived, in the north-western and central Gangetic plain from the 1st century till the 2nd century BCE. Sometimes the sphinx is here depicted with wings. Although this influence doesn’t seem to have existed beyond this time and area it does show possibly a certain exchange did take place.
Connection #5,
— There are many similarities in the functions of the purushamriga in India and the sphinx of the ancient world. The latter is described as a being of secret and sacred knowledge. In India the purushamriga is said to be a great yogi and depicted as a rishi or seer.
Connection #6,
— Both the sphinx and the purushamriga guard the entrances of temples and ward off evil.
Connection #7,
— Both are portrayed as worshipping and as announcing the epiphany of the deity. Both are also sometimes functioning as the vehicle of deities.
Connection #8, even though the author presents this as a case, wherein the Indian perception is purportedly deviant from the others mentioned, it nonetheless serves to show parallelism between the other cultures mentioned,...
— But although the civilizations of Egypt, West Asia and the Mediterranean see the sphinx as primarily a solar symbol, in the Yajur Veda it is stated to be dedicated to the Moon.
Given these connections laid out above between cultures with the Sphinx concept, let us now confront the concluding questions put forth by the author:
Question: Are the purushamriga in Indian sculpture and ritual associated to the sphinxes of other parts of the ancient world?
Answer: Given the number of commonalities or parallels above, it is rather hard to miss the associations between the said Sphinxes around the world; the number of connections are indeed considerable enough to simply dismiss the phenomenon as mere convergence of independent ideas on different parts of the planet.
Question: Are they derived through artistic or mythological influence?And if so, was the derivation from West to East, or from East to West?
Answer: The aforementioned connections argue for both; mythological influence and artistic influence. Given that the earliest attested Sphinx is found in the Nile Valley, and from what we've just read from the author himself, it is evident that the flow of the basic concept of Sphinx was one of West to East direction, with the Nile Valley Sahara being the likely ultimate origin of the concept.
Question: Or is the sphinx a mythological concept that originates from human civilization beyond our historical horizon? From an as yet un-identified common cultural source? Or do they derive from the archetypal and mythological sub-conscious of ancient peoples?
Answer: As just noted, the connections mentioned are numerous enough to simply dismiss them as mere coincidence. If the basic concept of the Sphinx had independently occurred in different regions of the world, it certainly had not occurred by way tangible evidence, in other parts of the world either prior to or as early as the Nile Valley concept. Given the abundance of well-preserved material in the so-called "Mesopotamia" for instance, when compared to situation in the Nile Valley, it is hard to reconcile that its inhabitants had known about the Sphinx concept all along, at the same time it emerged in the Nile Valley, and yet did not have the instinct to artistically express them. The above mentioned "connections" do seem to hint on a common cultural source; the pointers thus far examined, ultimately place this common cultural source in northeastern Sahara. An ultimate common cultural source to reiterate, does not preclude synchronization of the imported basic-concept with local traditions. Hence, the idea that the said Sphinxes around the world share a common cultural source is not necessarily mutually exclusive to the prospect of synchronization of an initially-imported basic concept with either preexisting and/or newly developed local mythology.
From the referenced website, the following photo collection of the Indian Sphinx are provided:
The first image dates back the era when the earliest artistic examples of Sphinx makes its appearance in the India subcontinent from ca. 100 BC - 200 CE, and the second image, is an example that dates back to the Pallavas Dynasty [ca. 400 CE to 900 CE]
Another example of a "winged" Sphinx, likely amongst of the early examples, and a relief sporting some Sphinx figures at the top of the building.
Relatively later renditions, compared to the examples presented above. Also, more localized artistic themes are apparent here.
Sitting examples of Sphinx, reminiscent of the seemingly most favored posture by ancient Egyptian artists.
Getting to the pictorial examples of so-called "Mesopotamian" Sphinx renditions noted above, with these ones mainly dating to the Neo-Assyrian period...
Specifications: Phoenician style ivory carving dating to ca. Neo-Assyrian period, uncovered at Nimrud (ancient Kalhu).
More Neo-Assyrian era examples of 'winged' Sphinxes, reminiscent of the example provided above; specifications for the first Sphinx rendition: Ivory; Phoenician style, dating to ca. 9th-8th century BC, and found at Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), northern Iraq.
Specifications for the second Sphinx rendition: Height: 6.9 cm, width: 7.75 cm and thickness: 1 cm; Ivory; Phoenician style, dating to ca. 9th-8th century BC, and found at Fort Shalmaneser, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), northern Iraq; excavation ID - ME 134322.
Specifications for the seated Sphinx: Horse blinker with sphinx, 8th–7th century B.C. Neo-Assyrian; Ivory; height - 4.13 in. (10.49 cm), uncovered in Mesopotamia, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu); Rogers Fund, 1954 (54.117.1)
On the fish-shaped platform above, the obvious Egyptian themes are, the conventional royal headdress, topped off by a sun-disc head gear, which itself sports a uraeus featuring a miniature sun-disc on its head. Hanging from the chest area of the Sphinx, is another uraeus, also featuring a miniature sun-disc on its head, but this time, with wings attached to the neck-area of the cobra featured. On the tail-end of the fish-shaped platform, is an Egyptian themed shaft [of a lotus plant?], furnished with a cartouche decorated with hieroglyphs.
Specifications: Phoenician style ivory carving dating to ca. Neo-Assyrian period, uncovered at Nimrud (ancient Kalhu).
Apparent Egyptian themes in the rendition above include: Egyptian-style eye lining, conventional royal headdress, triple atef crown, and neck gear. To the right forelimb, next to the Egyptian-style apron, is a hanging uraeus or cobra, displaying a frontal profile and with a sun-disc on its head.
More Neo-Assyrian era examples of 'winged' Sphinxes, reminiscent of the example provided above; specifications for the first Sphinx rendition: Ivory; Phoenician style, dating to ca. 9th-8th century BC, and found at Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), northern Iraq.
Specifications for the second Sphinx rendition: Height: 6.9 cm, width: 7.75 cm and thickness: 1 cm; Ivory; Phoenician style, dating to ca. 9th-8th century BC, and found at Fort Shalmaneser, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), northern Iraq; excavation ID - ME 134322.
In the first rendition, we come across the recurring theme of the royal headdress with a uraeus attached to its front, and topped off by a double crown this time around; the Egyptian-style neck gear is also visible, along with the hanging Egyptian-style apron-like attire, not to mention the Egyptian-style eye lining on the Sphinx's face. In the second rendition, again one notices the Egyptian style eye lining on the face, the hanging apron-like attire, the headdress, and what appears to be a small-sized double crown on top of it. Could easily be missed, if not carefully observed, is a uraeus or cobra [visible near the right forelimb] possibly hanging from neck-gear. Note the reappearance of ram-horn looking leaf extensions [in some cases, topped off by 'petal-like' figures] emanating from trunks or plant shafts rooted in the ground [seen in all three Sphinx renditions above].
Specifications for the seated Sphinx: Horse blinker with sphinx, 8th–7th century B.C. Neo-Assyrian; Ivory; height - 4.13 in. (10.49 cm), uncovered in Mesopotamia, Nimrud (ancient Kalhu); Rogers Fund, 1954 (54.117.1)
On the fish-shaped platform above, the obvious Egyptian themes are, the conventional royal headdress, topped off by a sun-disc head gear, which itself sports a uraeus featuring a miniature sun-disc on its head. Hanging from the chest area of the Sphinx, is another uraeus, also featuring a miniature sun-disc on its head, but this time, with wings attached to the neck-area of the cobra featured. On the tail-end of the fish-shaped platform, is an Egyptian themed shaft [of a lotus plant?], furnished with a cartouche decorated with hieroglyphs.
More Decorated Bronze Bowls...
Specifications: Diameter: 18 cm and height: 2 cm; Bronze bowl with Egyptian motifs, Phoenician style, dating to about 8th century BC, and Found at Nimrud, northern Iraq; excavation ID - ME N59.
The bronze bowl, like the one posted at the top of this post, but apparently better preserved, is notable for recurring Egyptian themes; namely, what appears to be a Sun-like structure in the center and encircled by winged Sphinxes wearing royal Egyptian headdresses and head gear flanked by kneeling human figures, also wearing Egyptianized-headdresses and attire, holding shafts in either hands. According to the British Museum's site, 'similar bowls have been found at various places in the Mediterranean, including the Greek mainland, Crete and in Etruscan tombs'.
Specifications: Diameter: 21.700 cm and height: 2.850 cm; Phoenician style, 8th century BC Found at Nimrud, in the palace of Ashurnasirpal II - northern Iraq; excavation ID - ME N9.
The bronze bowl above sports a decorated center encircled by images of "winged" Sphinx pairs on all fours facing one another, each wearing the famous Egyptian double crown on top of what appears to be a falcon-head gear or simply, falcon head, and each putting their right forelimb on some not-so-identifiable figures [due to inadequate resolution of the image], with some sort of a plant figure in between them. The Sphinx pairs are alternately flanked by a slender plant-like structure, which in turn is flanked by yet another but broader trunk plant-like figure, topped of by the well known Egyptian-style scarab/beetle caricature.
Specifications: Ivory; diameter: 18 cm and height: 2 cm; Phoenician style, dates to about 8th century BC, and found at Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), northern Iraq; excavation ID - ME N25.
On this bronze bowl, the central figure of the Egyptian-style scarab/beetle immediately jumps at one; it is encircled by alternating representations of fully-seated [in a manner reminiscent of most renditions of Egyptian Sphinxes] "winged" Sphinxes facing one another, each sporting human heads wearing the conventional Egyptian royal headdress, with plant-like structures in between them, one of which seems to be topped off by a hovering "winged" uraeus or cobra; the Sphinxes are flanked by a cluster of plants, followed by what appears to be antelopes or deer-like creatures facing one another, while flanking what appears to be a "winged" cobra hovering over a plant on the one hand, a cluster of plants in between, and a beetle (?) over a plant on the other. More of elements of these figures re-appear nearer to the circumference of the bowl, in alternating fashions once again. Again, according to the notes of the British Museum, similar bowls have been uncovered in mainland ancient Greek, Cretan, Etruscan tombs, and regions around the Mediterranean sea.
The Sphinx tradition was no less featured the Sinai peninsula of Egypt, which is worth noting, as this is a well-known corridor for bidirectional migration and exchange of culture...
Specifications: From Serabit el-Khadim in the Sinai, Egypt; dating to the Middle Kingdom, around 1800 BC; excavation ID - EA 41748.
A notable feature of this particular Sinaitic Sphinx, clearly adhering unwaveringly to conventional Egyptian themes, is inscriptions on it, both in standard hieroglyphics and "proto-Sinaitic". It must be remembered that the term "proto-Sinaitic" itself may be a tad misleading, in light of such inscriptions having been recently found deep in the Nile Valley—a far as Abydos in particular. At any rate, courtesy of the British Museum, we are told...
Inscribed in both hieroglyphic and proto-Sinaitic scripts
This sphinx was found by Flinders Petrie in the temple in the mining settlement at Serabit el-Khadim. The semi-precious stone turquoise was extracted here from the Middle Kingdom (2040-1750) onwards. Hathor, the goddess associated with turquoise, is named in the hieroglyphic inscription on the right shoulder of the sphinx. The proto-Sinaitic inscription includes a name composed of a similar shape; the name is of a goddess similar to Hathor. This suggests that the inscriptions are bilingual, giving the same information in both languages, as on the Rosetta Stone.
That said, judging from the following claim and from the fact that is even acknowledged right therein that the so-called "proto-Sinaitic" signs derived from hieroglyphics, apparently, some one forgot to tell the British Museum commentator who wrote the piece, about recent "proto-Sinaitic" findings in Abydos, that predates any such inscription found anywhere...
Proto-Sinaitic script has been found on a small number of objects and in inscriptions in the Sinai, Palestine and the deserts around Egypt. It consists of at least twenty-three signs, half of which seem to be **derived from hieroglyphs**. The appearance of the script in the later Middle Kingdom coincides with Egyptian trading interests in Palestine and it is likely that the script originated in Palestine or Syria to write a West Semitic language. It is not certain whether it has yet been fully or correctly deciphered, although pioneering work was carried out by the scholars Alan H. Gardiner and W.F. Albright and has been continued by Benjamin Sass.
The British Museum authors need to get with the program; that is the least one would expect from a Museum!
Greek examples of the Sphinx...
Left: A rendition of Oedipus and the Sphinx, and Right, courtesy of the Metropolitan Museum of Art: Sphinx-shaped finial of a marble grave stele (total height: 423.4 cm) of a youth and a little girl, Attica, ca. 530 BC. Metropolitan Museum of Art (New York), Inv. 11.185.
In a passing, while examining the bronze bowls uncovered at Nimrud, we came across the scarab; well, here is another artistic rendition of the scarab in the so-called "Mesopotamian" art, obviously inspired by Egyptian artistic conventions...
Specifications: Stamp scarab seal with winged figures, 6th–5th century B.C; found in the Levant or Syria; Ivory in green jasper; height - 3/8 in. (1.02 cm); found by W. Gedney Beatty, 1941 (41.160.162)
This seal apparently has two pieces; the scarab-engraved and shaped piece fits into the pit engraved into the piece on the right hand side. If there is any doubt about the source of inspiration of the scarab, well, the themes on the piece on the right hand side of the image, quickly removes such doubt; on that piece, one notices two "winged" female figures facing one another, wearing head gears sporting the sun-disc. The two females flank what appears to be a rendition of Ausar [see in between the wings of the female figures], wearing a distinctive solar-disc integrated crown [likely a double atef crown], and on the very top, is a hovering "winged" sun-disc.
Notes on the piece, courtesy of Metropolitan Museum of Arts:
Around the beginning of the first millennium B.C., Phoenician seal engravers adopted the use of the scarab, an Egyptian symbol of regeneration. In typical Phoenician fashion, the seals were decorated with Egyptian motifs that are juxtaposed out of context, sometimes with non-Egyptian animal subjects. Popular subjects included the birth of Horus and scenes of his mother Isis nursing him as an infant. Winged protective deities and genies were also favorite themes. Iconographically, the seals of the eighth to seventh centuries B.C. have a close dependence on Phoenician carved bowls and ivories. Phoenician scarab seals reached a peak of popularity in the fifth to fourth centuries B.C., when they spread throughout the Mediterranean. The city of Tharros on Sardinia was a major center of production and distribution. By this time, the seals were carved with not only Egyptian themes but also Etruscan and western Greek imagery.
What next? Ah, the pyramid!...
Well, pyramids are generally-speaking, more widespread than any of the concepts mentioned herein so far, and the cultural-traditions and techniques behind building them, generally differ markedly in their themes. That being said, it is not exactly a secret that the ancient Roman examples [notably, the Pyramid of Cestius ~ ca. 12 BC] were generally inspired by the Nile Valley examples, and much more recently, i.e. in contemporary times, the Germans were inspired by the Giza example, to build a large modern tomb in the shape of a pyramid. Referenced works that probably aid in furthering our understanding of these inspirations, include: Lawrence J. F Keppie, Understanding Roman Inscriptions, pp. 104-105. Routledge, 1991; Jean-Marcel Humbert, Clifford A. Price, Imhotep Today: Egyptianizing Architecture, p. 27. Routledge Cavendish, 2003; and James Stevens Curl, The Egyptian Revival: Ancient Egypt as the Inspiration for Design Motifs in the West, pp. 39-40. Routledge, 2005. The Roman examples actually more emulated the Meroitic-style pyramids than they did the larger Giza examples; after all, the Romans had presided over attack against Meroe a few centuries earlier, prior to the reign of Cestius [~ca. 23 BC].
Cestius' Pyramid
Specifications: Ivory; diameter: 18 cm and height: 2 cm; Phoenician style, dates to about 8th century BC, and found at Nimrud (ancient Kalhu), northern Iraq; excavation ID - ME N25.
On this bronze bowl, the central figure of the Egyptian-style scarab/beetle immediately jumps at one; it is encircled by alternating representations of fully-seated [in a manner reminiscent of most renditions of Egyptian Sphinxes] "winged" Sphinxes facing one another, each sporting human heads wearing the conventional Egyptian royal headdress, with plant-like structures in between them, one of which seems to be topped off by a hovering "winged" uraeus or cobra; the Sphinxes are flanked by a cluster of plants, followed by what appears to be antelopes or deer-like creatures facing one another, while flanking what appears to be a "winged" cobra hovering over a plant on the one hand, a cluster of plants in between, and a beetle (?) over a plant on the other. More of elements of these figures re-appear nearer to the circumference of the bowl, in alternating fashions once again. Again, according to the notes of the British Museum, similar bowls have been uncovered in mainland ancient Greek, Cretan, Etruscan tombs, and regions around the Mediterranean sea.
The Sphinx tradition was no less featured the Sinai peninsula of Egypt, which is worth noting, as this is a well-known corridor for bidirectional migration and exchange of culture...
Specifications: From Serabit el-Khadim in the Sinai, Egypt; dating to the Middle Kingdom, around 1800 BC; excavation ID - EA 41748.
A notable feature of this particular Sinaitic Sphinx, clearly adhering unwaveringly to conventional Egyptian themes, is inscriptions on it, both in standard hieroglyphics and "proto-Sinaitic". It must be remembered that the term "proto-Sinaitic" itself may be a tad misleading, in light of such inscriptions having been recently found deep in the Nile Valley—a far as Abydos in particular. At any rate, courtesy of the British Museum, we are told...
Inscribed in both hieroglyphic and proto-Sinaitic scripts
This sphinx was found by Flinders Petrie in the temple in the mining settlement at Serabit el-Khadim. The semi-precious stone turquoise was extracted here from the Middle Kingdom (2040-1750) onwards. Hathor, the goddess associated with turquoise, is named in the hieroglyphic inscription on the right shoulder of the sphinx. The proto-Sinaitic inscription includes a name composed of a similar shape; the name is of a goddess similar to Hathor. This suggests that the inscriptions are bilingual, giving the same information in both languages, as on the Rosetta Stone.
That said, judging from the following claim and from the fact that is even acknowledged right therein that the so-called "proto-Sinaitic" signs derived from hieroglyphics, apparently, some one forgot to tell the British Museum commentator who wrote the piece, about recent "proto-Sinaitic" findings in Abydos, that predates any such inscription found anywhere...
Proto-Sinaitic script has been found on a small number of objects and in inscriptions in the Sinai, Palestine and the deserts around Egypt. It consists of at least twenty-three signs, half of which seem to be **derived from hieroglyphs**. The appearance of the script in the later Middle Kingdom coincides with Egyptian trading interests in Palestine and it is likely that the script originated in Palestine or Syria to write a West Semitic language. It is not certain whether it has yet been fully or correctly deciphered, although pioneering work was carried out by the scholars Alan H. Gardiner and W.F. Albright and has been continued by Benjamin Sass.
The British Museum authors need to get with the program; that is the least one would expect from a Museum!
Greek examples of the Sphinx...
In a passing, while examining the bronze bowls uncovered at Nimrud, we came across the scarab; well, here is another artistic rendition of the scarab in the so-called "Mesopotamian" art, obviously inspired by Egyptian artistic conventions...
Specifications: Stamp scarab seal with winged figures, 6th–5th century B.C; found in the Levant or Syria; Ivory in green jasper; height - 3/8 in. (1.02 cm); found by W. Gedney Beatty, 1941 (41.160.162)
This seal apparently has two pieces; the scarab-engraved and shaped piece fits into the pit engraved into the piece on the right hand side. If there is any doubt about the source of inspiration of the scarab, well, the themes on the piece on the right hand side of the image, quickly removes such doubt; on that piece, one notices two "winged" female figures facing one another, wearing head gears sporting the sun-disc. The two females flank what appears to be a rendition of Ausar [see in between the wings of the female figures], wearing a distinctive solar-disc integrated crown [likely a double atef crown], and on the very top, is a hovering "winged" sun-disc.
Notes on the piece, courtesy of Metropolitan Museum of Arts:
Around the beginning of the first millennium B.C., Phoenician seal engravers adopted the use of the scarab, an Egyptian symbol of regeneration. In typical Phoenician fashion, the seals were decorated with Egyptian motifs that are juxtaposed out of context, sometimes with non-Egyptian animal subjects. Popular subjects included the birth of Horus and scenes of his mother Isis nursing him as an infant. Winged protective deities and genies were also favorite themes. Iconographically, the seals of the eighth to seventh centuries B.C. have a close dependence on Phoenician carved bowls and ivories. Phoenician scarab seals reached a peak of popularity in the fifth to fourth centuries B.C., when they spread throughout the Mediterranean. The city of Tharros on Sardinia was a major center of production and distribution. By this time, the seals were carved with not only Egyptian themes but also Etruscan and western Greek imagery.
What next? Ah, the pyramid!...
Well, pyramids are generally-speaking, more widespread than any of the concepts mentioned herein so far, and the cultural-traditions and techniques behind building them, generally differ markedly in their themes. That being said, it is not exactly a secret that the ancient Roman examples [notably, the Pyramid of Cestius ~ ca. 12 BC] were generally inspired by the Nile Valley examples, and much more recently, i.e. in contemporary times, the Germans were inspired by the Giza example, to build a large modern tomb in the shape of a pyramid. Referenced works that probably aid in furthering our understanding of these inspirations, include: Lawrence J. F Keppie, Understanding Roman Inscriptions, pp. 104-105. Routledge, 1991; Jean-Marcel Humbert, Clifford A. Price, Imhotep Today: Egyptianizing Architecture, p. 27. Routledge Cavendish, 2003; and James Stevens Curl, The Egyptian Revival: Ancient Egypt as the Inspiration for Design Motifs in the West, pp. 39-40. Routledge, 2005. The Roman examples actually more emulated the Meroitic-style pyramids than they did the larger Giza examples; after all, the Romans had presided over attack against Meroe a few centuries earlier, prior to the reign of Cestius [~ca. 23 BC].
Cestius' Pyramid
This will be it for now, but this post will be the subject of ongoing revision and/or updating, as is the case with virtually all other postings here, as more information on Nile Valley influences on non-Nile Valley art come to attention. So, stay in touch!
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*Appreciation to Museums of the British Museum, the Chicago Oriental Institute, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and not to leave out the photo collection of Raja Deekshithar.
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*Appreciation to Museums of the British Museum, the Chicago Oriental Institute, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, and not to leave out the photo collection of Raja Deekshithar.
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