Showing posts with label Mechtoid. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Mechtoid. Show all posts

Thursday, November 26, 2009

Review: Population Relationships in the Mediterranean Revealed by Autosomal Genetic Data (Alu and Alu/STR Compound Systems)

Herein, aspects of a recent publication by E. González-Pérez et al. (2009) under the heading described above, will be revisited and examined respectively.

The abstract goes as follows:

González-Pérez et al.


Am J Phys Anthropol. 2009 Nov 16.

The variation of 18 Alu polymorphisms and 3 linked STRs was determined in 1,831 individuals from 15 Mediterranean populations to analyze the relationships between human groups in this geographical region and provide a complementary perspective to information from studies based on uniparental markers. Patterns of population diversity revealed by the two kinds of markers examined were different from one another, likely in relation to their different mutation rates. Therefore, while the Alu biallelic variation underlies general heterogeneity throughout the whole Mediterranean region, the combined use of Alu and STR points to a considerable genetic differentiation between the two Mediterranean shores, presumably strengthened by a considerable sub-Saharan African genetic contribution in North Africa (around 13% calculated from Alu markers). Gene flow analysis confirms the permeability of the Sahara to human passage along with the existence of trans-Mediterranean interchanges. Two specific Alu/STR combinations-CD4 110(-) and DM 107(-)-detected in all North African samples, the Iberian Peninsula, Greece, Turkey, and some Mediterranean islands suggest an ancient genetic background of current Mediterranean peoples. - abstract ends

A run down of the Alu markers and 3 Alu-linked STRs, is as follows:

18 autosomal Alu markers: CD4, TPA25, APO, ACE, Yb8NBC120, Yb8NBC125, B65, D1, FXIIIB, A25, PV92, HS2.43, Sb19.3, Sb19.12, HS4.32, HS4.69, DM, Ya5NBC221

Tandem Repeats linked to sites identified with specific Alu insertions or deletions designated by three designators: CD4+, DM+ and FXIIIB-. These reportedly represent the "ancestral" states of the sites in question, and the nature of said site-states are indicated by either the "+" or "-" symbols respectively.

Y-chromosome Alu insertion: The YAP+ Y-chromosome Alu insertion, fairly common in African populations, particularly in the form of Hg E, serves as an addition to the collection of Alu markers cited above.

Populations sampled:

Click on the image to get a better resolution.

The study opens with the following lines:
As far as the origin of human populations in the Mediterranean is concerned, it is commonly accepted that their roots can be traced back to the Upper Paleolithic with the expansion of human groups from the Near East or Central Asia, or some millennia later with the westward and northward spread of Neolithic populations from the Fertile Crescent. Although there is little doubt regarding the human entrance route to the Mediterranean, controversy appears when different studies try to determine to what extent their current genetic background preserves traces of Paleolithic people and in which degree the almost continuous cultural and political contacts have influenced present genetic affinities.
Indeed, the authors are correct in their assessment about controversy in terms of how different studies interpret their observations, with regards to the entrance or exit of certain lineages, particularly in relation to the time of event and how extensive. Their own opening assessment attests to this, recalling the bit about origins of "Mediterranean" populations being traced back to the so-called "Near East" or Central Asia. This implies that northern Africa was a barren region for a long period of time, where no autochthonous African population ventured, even as humanity spent the bulk of its socio-biological evolution exclusively on the continent until ca "50-60 ky ago era" when a subset of anatomically modern humans successfully left the African continent for refuge elsewhere. This begs the question: human beings in Africa did not see fit to populate the northern areas of the continent, yet non-Africans were supposedly the first to see fit to do so? As a matter of fact, Maghrebi paleontological record stretches back to as far as the Middle Paleolithic era, preceding anatomically modern human occupation outside of Africa.

The authors appear to have been influenced in their assessment by the likes of Olivieri et al. (2006), whose work has been a subject of discussion (clickable link) on this site, as it relates to the Upper Paleolithic demic diffusion episodes in the northern sections of the African continent, and by the likes of Arredi et al. (2004), as it relates to theories surrounding Neolithic demic diffusions in that same region. Apparently, the authors are working with outdated concepts in their assessment, as earlier theories about Upper Paleolithic northern African complexes [see for example, the so-called "Ibero-Maurusian"] being manned by people from outside of the continent, based on erroneous assumptions built around archaeological finds on lithic artifacts, have now been rectified and updated with research that link origins of certain Upper Paleolithic lithics-oriented innovations to northern Africa, which were subsequently diffused into neighboring extra-African territories. Other erroneous assumptions about the earliest Upper Paleolithic northern African anatomically modern populations coming from outside had been based on shabby and flimsy reliance on outdated bio-anthropological concepts built around cranio-morphometric examinations. A notable example that immediately comes to mind, is the idea of Mechtoid populations [see: Mechta and Afalou: Do they and the so-called "Mechtoids" constitute a type with the "Cro-Magnon"?] , who were almost considered to be synonymous with the Cro-Magnon of Europe. Outposts of lingering cult-like Eurocentric elements continue to rely on ideological concepts of the Cro-Magnon as some sort of embodiment of "Caucasoids" or "Caucasians", and even that, has been discredited by more recent and refined analysis of cranio-morphometric data [See: Brace et al. (2005) and Chris Stringer (click), for example]. Even earlier bio-anthropologists tacitly took note of differentiations between the African Mechtoid variants and those of the European Cro-Magnon, even as superficially-invoked links were being insinuated. The bottom line is that the authors' presumptuous assessment, that the theory of northern Africa being first populated by people from the so-called Near East is a "commonly accepted" understanding, has little basis to it, as no prevailing evidence backs up such a notion. It implies that this is an understanding that has harmonized the various scientific multidisciplinary applications at our disposal, when no evidence has been brought forth to suggest such status quo. It is certainly not the message harmoniously relayed by either genetics or paleontology, nor by Upper Paleolithic complexes, as just mentioned a few comments ago. Then by what, aside from wishful thinking? Notably, the authors' own data does not lend support to such thinking. On the other hand, the flaws of Olivieri et al.'s (2006) and Ana Gonzalez et al.'s (2007) Upper Paleolithic demic diffusion hypothesis have been touched upon on this site before. U6 is undoubtedly Upper Paleolithic by most accounts, but it makes up very little of the contemporary northern African gene pool, while major M1 expansions are mostly linked with spread of proto-Afrasan or Afrasan-affiliated speaking groups some time in the late Paleolithic and early Holocene Neolithic time frames. Again, Olivieri et al. (2006) are emphasized here, because the authors of the present study appear to be relying on them, with regards to so-called Near Eastern sourcing of Upper Paleolithic northern African populations; see for example:
Recent mitochondrial DNA data (Olivieri et al., 2006) suggest a common Levantine source for the Upper Paleolithic cultures that occupied the European (Aurignacian) and North African (Dabban) shores of the Mediterranean. A more recent origin for these populations associated with the demic diffusion of Middle Eastern groups in the Neolithic has been suggested by studies of Y-chromosome (Arredi et al., 2004) and autosomal data (Myles et al., 2005; Tomas et al., 2008).
The authors of the present study themselves reference research that contradicts the idea of either the Upper Paleolithic or Neolithic sourcing from the so-called Near East; see for example:
A detailed survey of the E-M78 Y-chromosome haplogroup (Cruciani et al., 2007) indicates the Northeast African origin of this variant and its involvement in trans-Mediterranean migrations from North Africa to Europe during the last 13,000 YBP.
The predominant paternal markers of coastal northwestern-central African markers are comprised of E-M78 and E-M35 markers. This being the case for the northern African populations that the authors sampled here, the fact serves as a major contradiction to the so-called Near Eastern sourcing of northern African populations, who have supposedly persisted into contemporary times, if we are to go by conclusions drawn by the authors of the present study. Yet, we are suppose to buy into some presumption of the Upper Paleolithic "Near Eastern" sourcing of northern African populations as some sort of a "commonly accepted" understanding or truth.

It should be reiterated, as explained before on this site, that contemporary Imazighen-groups , who predominate much of northern Africa today, don't have TMRCAs—deemed to be "characteristic" of Tamazight or "Berber" speaking populations—that date to the Upper Paleolithic. Yes, these lineages derive from lineages of Paleolithic provenance, but they themselves, don't—at least not according to patrilineal lineage. The E-M81 mutation of the E1b1b lineage—which is predominantly found in Imazighen populations—has at most, been implicated in expansions that only go back as far as 8 ky or so ago. This falls short of the ages associated with Upper Paleolithic/Epi-Paleolithic or earliest Holocene cranial specimens uncovered in coastal northwestern Africa. Furthermore, none of the cranial specimens tied to contemporary northern African populations remotely tie in with the Cro-Magnon specimens of Europe, as Brace et al. (2005) had found out; whereas we are pressed to believe in ties between the so-called Mechtoid variants and the European-based Cro-Magnon.

Furthermore, the authors note:
Similarly, specific Mediterranean haplogroups or clades (U6 and M1b in the mtDNA; EM78 and EM81 in the Y-chromosome) have also been described for these populations and dated in Paleolithic times.
Nothing in the above supports "Near Eastern" sourcing of northern African populations examined here. None of the above markers are known for being quintessential indications of "Near Eastern" ancestry, as opposed to African ancestry. Not even U6, whose "non-African" ancestor remains ever so elusive, is a marker of the so-called "Near East"; it is quite rare in that region and its presence there can only be spoken of, in terms of back-migration from northern Africa, even if it is assumed that a proto-U6 ancestor was "Near Eastern" in origin. None of the markers above are even confined to the "Mediterranean" regions, so as to justify the use of the moniker of "Mediterranean haplogroups or clades".

One issue that stands out like a sore thumb, is the comprehensiveness of the authors' so-called "sub-Saharan" collection; see:
In search of new insights into these questions, this study analyzes a relevant set of Mediterranean populations including eight European samples (from Spain, France, Greece, and Turkey), seven from North Africa (Morocco, Algeria, and Egypt), plus two samples from Central Europe (Germany) and sub-Saharan Africa (Ivory Coast) as external references.
Granted, the Ivory Coast sample is representative of sub-Saharan gene pool, but it only serves as a part of that gene pool, not the whole of it. It is highly questionable that this Ivory Coast sample will contain all that that is present in sub-Saharan Africa, as opposed to giving a snapshot of what is present in sub-Saharan Africa. Furthermore, what purpose does it serve, to ignore populations situated between Ivory Coast and those in the northern African territories sampled? Common sense intimates that such an undertaking will ensure more abrupt changes in DNA marker distribution trends; but then again, the authors could be gunning for just that. From their frame of thinking, such relative abrupt change in pattern could serve to sift out what they think could be representative of the autochthonous northern African patterns. After all, the authors reckon:
This pattern identifies Mediterranean populations as genetically separate from both sub-Saharans and Central Europeans and allows the identification of a certain genetic structure between the two shores of the Mediterranean region.
There is still a problem with that perception, because while genetic exchange is expected between coastal northern African and the more-inward African populations, their primary ancestry has been liked to northeastern Africa [the Sahel region or southern confines of eastern Sahara; in other words, the belt or areas that seem to have been neglected in the study] and ultimately sub-Saharan eastern Africa. Certain information is bound to escape the authors' observation, with such sampling choices. Let's examine the sampling particulars, visually:


Click on the image for better res.

It is highly questionable that the Ivory Coast sample will be representative of all that which is part of the southern Sahara or Sahel belts. It is any wonder the Siwa sample assumed an "outlier" position on the authors' admixture analysis mapping, even though the Siwa, like the rest of the northern African populations sampled, are largely Imazighen and also live on the coastal areas of northern Africa. The Siwa sample noticeably maintains a good deal of distance from the Ivory Coast sample as well, not withstanding observations that sub-Saharan gene flow appears to be most significant amongst them vs. the other northern African samples.


Click on the image for better res.

Image caption: Multidimensional scaling plot (stress 0.036) applied to the Reynolds’ genetic distance matrix based on 18 autosomal Alu markers.

This sampling choice might account for the seemingly discordant observations in the 18 Alu "admixture" estimations and that of the Alu-STR combination "admixture analysis". The authors note:
In this general view, it is worth noting the particular position of two populations (the Spanish Pas Valley and the Egyptian Siwa Berbers) (see Fig. 2). These two populations have previously been described as genetic outliers (Esteban et al., 2006; Moral et al., 2006; Coudray et al., 2009) due to the orography of the Pas Valley and the desert surrounding the Siwa Oasis. This isolation could explain their differentiation by the action of the genetic drift associated with episodes with low effective population size, which in the case of Siwa Oasis, could have enhanced the effect of sub-Saharan flow (51% from Alu/STR data) through the Nile River (Fakhry, 1973).
Assuming one went by the earlier theory of the so-called Near Eastern Upper Paleolithic origin for coastal northern African populations, shouldn't the basic genetic structure of these populations therefore be the same, even when the effects of genetic drift are accounted for? Not only does the Siwa sample cluster away from the lone sub-Saharan sample of Ivory Coast, but also considerably does so from the coastal north African bunch, just going off on the 18 autosomal Alu markers alone...
MDS representation of the genetic distances (see Fig. 2) based on autosomal Alu data stresses the main differentiation of sub-Saharans, the clustering of Mediterraneans in two different groups corresponding to northern and southern populations, and the distant position of the Egyptian Siwa and the Spanish Pas Valley samples from their corresponding population clusters. The Siwa oasis sample presents a relatively extreme position, with respect to the other populations. In fact, the first genetic boundary in the Mediterranean separates Siwa Berbers from all remaining groups.
For visual aid, we have the following:


Click on the image for better res.

Image caption: Fig. 3. Multidimensional scaling plot (stress 0.049) applied to the Reynolds’ genetic distance matrix based on three Alu/STR compound systems.

Furthermore, if "sub-Saharan" gene flow was able to reach the Siwa, then how could they be considered "isolated"? Certainly the desert areas in northern Africa have not "isolated" the other coastal northern African groups. "sub-Saharan" gene flow reportedly finds expression in many of the coastal northwestern African Imazighen populations sampled, as reaffirmed by the pattern seen in the Alu-STR clusters; however, we are told that in the Siwa sample's case, "sub-Saharan" gene flow is virtually negligible in Alu pattern alone. Yet, the same Siwa sample is supposed to be indicative of the highest "sub-Saharan" gene flow amongst the coastal northern African Imazighen groups, going by STRs linked to certain Alu sites.
As for individual populations, the sub-Saharan gene flow in North Africa based on the Alu data collection ranges between 6 and 17% (Table 3), except the Siwa Berbers where that influence was negligible. Admixture values based on Alu/STR combinations indicate that sub-Saharan flow in North Africa ranged from 16% (North East Moroccan Berbers) to 35% (remaining samples) with the exception of Siwa Berbers who showed the highest admixture value (51%).
How was the relatively lower "sub-Saharan" contribution able to find expression in Alu markers of the other coastal northern African populations, but the more significant "sub-Saharan gene flow"— as communicated in the Siwa Alu-STR combinations— almost not represented at all in the Siwa Alu markers alone? Are we to assume that genetic drift enhanced "sub-Saharan" STR patterns but minimally did the same for Alu markers? The authors attribute this phenomenon of their finds in the following manner:
The disparity between the results from Alu loci and Alu/STR haplotypes, apart from the potential effect of the different number of independent markers examined (18 vs. 3), could be related to different mutation rates and therefore the power to detect ancient or more recent demographic events. Similar disparities between these two kinds of markers were found in the admixture analysis (Table 3).
Now of course, only three types of autosomal Alu loci were selected for examination along with flanking STRs, which tells us little about change in mutation rates across the genome types used here, and to what extent STRs on the other locations are useful enough in determining gene flow, along with whether this is in line with the data provided by the three type of sites used here. Undoubtedly different mutations rates between STRs and Alu markers could be a factor at some level, but the pattern we see in the extent of "sub-Saharan" gene flow across the full range of markers used in this study, may be more explainable in the sense, that 1) if the Siwa sample sufficiently comprised of identical Alu markers on chromosomes that share their immediate TMRCA nodes with sub-Saharan counterparts, then it could be distributed in such a way that it would be hard to ascertain gene flow from "sub-Saharan" populations with any degree of precision, or 2) some differentiation in Alu allele representation and nucleotide manifestation could be the product of within-population mutational events of markers with a "sub-Saharan" background in the Siwa, possibly in an interplay with that "action of genetic drift" that the authors mentioned in a piece cited above and some level of external gene flow from neighboring non-African territories, or yet 3) if the basic genetic structure of the Siwa stemmed from a non-African source, but then got introduced to "sub-Saharan" gene flow in an ancient period, and the population had since then remained relatively isolated from such influences ("sub-Saharan"). Only here, in either scenario, some visible level of Alu allele similarities would have come to the surface within those samples that reportedly tested positive for said "gene flow".

The first scenario doesn't seem to be likely, based on the 18 Alu makers multidimensional plot, given the position the Siwa sample assumes. While the third scenario could be presumptuously insinuated from the 18 Alu markers plot, given the considerable distance between the Siwa and that lone sub-Saharan African sample from the Ivory Coast, not to mention the possible case of the relative narrower distancing from the European clusters when compared to the African counterparts, including the so-called "southern Mediterranean samples" (coastal northern African samples), it is doesn't seem likely either; why? One would have to assume that while the Siwa might have been introduced to "sub-Saharan gene flow" at some point in time, it would have likely been a very occasional affair, and/or a very ancient one in the ethnogenetic history of the population, because this gene flow would otherwise not be negligible from across just the 18 Alu markers standpoint, even if the Siwa were of a small effective-population size subjected to heightened "action of genetic drift", and would therefore find expression as it did, in the other coastal northern African samples and European counterparts. Furthermore, the problem with that assumption is that the Siwa would likely have assumed a position more extreme than that of the "northern Mediterranean" samples in the 18 Alu markers multidimensional plot, from the lone sub-Saharan sample of Ivory Coast. The reason for this, is that elements of the "northern Mediterranean" samples would have become continued recipients of "sub-Saharan gene flow" either directly from sub-Saharan emigrants, and/or indirectly through continued contact with the "southern Mediterranean" populations aka coastal northern Africans. So the inclination here, is to go with the second scenario, and here's why: If the range of Alu markers were one or several step derivatives of autochthonous African counterparts, developed within the Siwa population during its ethnogenesis, then naturally, these markers would stand in contrast to ancestral sub-Saharan counterparts. As such, one would expect some level of persistence in some areas of the genome type selected for this study, particularly given that the sites that were picked for STR analysis happen to be those under linkage disequilibrium, according to the authors. So, while subsequent "sub-Saharan gene flow" cannot be ruled out in this scenario, it need not be the sole explanatory factor for the sub-Saharan inclinations of Siwa Alu-STR combinations, i.e. if the Siwa were treated as group that has been socio-culturally isolated from other external groups for some reason or the other. Possible additional external gene flow from nearby "non-African" territories, again likely ancient, cannot be ruled out under this scenario, in which case, such element would only serve to further contrast the Siwa Alu distribution from the sub-Saharan counterpart examined here...
The Siwa oasis sample presents a relatively extreme position, with respect to the other populations.
Under this scenario (2nd scenario), one can see why the so-called "southern Mediterranean" samples would assume intermediary positions along both types of multi-dimentional plots provided by the authors. The polarity here likely stems from a mix of continued, and hence more recent gene flow from external populations both African and non-African, along with in situ autochthonous within-population evolutionary events in said "southern Mediterranean" populations. Either of these factors would ensure that their socio-cultural and geographic distance from the Siwa would contribute to the differentiations in general Alu marker genetic structure, while at same time clustering them away from European clusters and the lone sub-Saharan sample. See:
the clustering of Mediterraneans in two different groups corresponding to northern and southern populations, and the distant position of the Egyptian Siwa and the Spanish Pas Valley samples from their corresponding population clusters.
 Furthermore,...
This pattern identifies Mediterranean populations as genetically separate from both sub-Saharans and Central Europeans and allows the identification of a certain genetic structure between the two shores of the Mediterranean region. This genetic picture of populations may be related to geographic factors as indicated by the high correlation (P < 0.002) between geographic and genetic distances (based on Alu markers) found under the isolation by distance model. The genetic distinctiveness of Mediterranean populations, as well as the distinction between Northern and Southern Mediterraneans, coincides with results in previous studies (see for instance, Simoni et al., 1999; Comas et al., 2000; Boschet al., 2001).
Furthermore...
The estimates of sub-Saharan gene flow in Southern Mediterraneans oscillated between 12.9% (Alu loci) and 39.5% (Alu/STR haplotypes), a wide range probably related with the different mutational nature of the markers analyzed and with the effect of repeated homoplasic mutation in STRs.
One might expect the effect of genetic drift to pick up these elements in the Siwa as well, if one is to treat said "sub-Saharan" gene flow level as largely the product of action of random genetic drift in a population of small effective-population size.
The presence of sub-Saharan African traces in the gene pool of North Africans supports the idea of the permeability of the Sahara desert to human migrations as reported in other studies for different kinds of markers (see for example, Plaza et al., 2003; Arredi et al., 2004; Myles et al., 2005; Coudray et al., 2006).
In the above, the authors seem to have no problem in acknowledging the fact that a desert environment, of the Sahara, has not restricted or barred gene flow. This means that these groups are not isolated by the desert; so why couldn't the same logic be approached with regards to the Siwa? It may well be the case, that the Siwa have socio-culturally isolated themselves from other coastal northern African Imazighen groups on their own terms, not to mention the considerable distance between them and the other coastal northern African populations sampled, and has little to do with the desert environment. One will note that even as far as neighboring territories go, which here are apparently European territories bordering the Mediterranean sea, the territory that the Siwa are identified with is relatively more distant from the nearest such territory than those associated with the other coastal northern African populations, respective to their nearest neighbor, This could explain the differentiation in genetic structure and their relative "outlier" position. The authors add:
Interestingly, data from mtDNA and Y-chromosome estimates of sub-Saharan gene flow in North Africa are similar to that obtained from our Alu loci set, a value also concordant with that corresponding to Mozabites in the recent survey of Li et al. (2008) based on more than 500,000 SNPs. The interpretation of the disparity in gene flow estimates according to the kind of marker is difficult, but it might be presumably be related to the different mutation rates of Alu and STRs.
The need to confide in uniparental lineage is not obviously underestimated, but the authors allude once again to the unpredictability characterizing their choice of markers, autosomal markers in the form of Alu sites and flanking tandem repeats at certain designated sites. As we have seen in an earlier piece, the chiming in of homoplasic tendencies in STRs does not dampen this unpredictable character. Of course, since we are dealing with autosomal sites, the question of recombination cannot be avoided. We are assured here, at least with regards to the Alu-STR combinations, that these are perceived to be the types in linkage disequilibrium.
Alu/STR linkage disequilibrium was present in all systems and samples.
This is a sure sign of non-random associations here, which means that the odds against random reshuffling by recombination are high and hence, possibly of some selective pressure advantage of the Alu/STR association. This naturally factors further into that matter about "different mutation rates" and no less, contributes to the unpredictability character of the change in mutation rates in different parts of the genome.

Notwithstanding the lone sub-Saharan sample of Ivory Coast, upon revisiting the matter, one notices that it still managed to give a snapshot of the fact that non-African populations are just representative of a subset of African gene pool: 
When STR variation has been analyzed separately in Alu(+) and Alu(-) chromosomes, larger variances are observed in chromosomes carrying the ancestral Alu variant: CD4(+), FXIIIB(-), and DM(+). In humans, the ancestral stage of the CD4 and DM loci is the presence of the Alu insertion, whereas the absence of the insertion is the ancestral stage for the FXIIIB locus (Brook et al., 1992; Nishimura and Murray, 1992; Tishkoff et al., 1996 ). Alu/STR linkage disequilibrium was present in all systems and samples.
The most obvious pattern of haplotype variation is observed in the CD4 system. The ancestral CD4(+) chromosomes show a decreasing pattern of copy number variation from sub-Saharans to Southern and Northern Mediterraneans. Among these latter populations, the 85(+) and 110(+) haplotypes are the most frequent (Supporting Information Table 2). The derived CD4 Alu(-) chromosomes present a lower variation than the ancestral Alu(+) chromosomes, which is statistically significant for Northern Mediterraneans (P < 0.01) and Southern Mediterraneans (P < 0.05), but non-significant for the sub-Saharan sample. This reduction trend is considerable in Northern Mediterranean samples (gene diversity: 0.174 for derived chromosomes vs. 0.554 for ancestral ones), moderate in Southern Mediterraneans (0.458 vs. 0.705), and less marked in sub-Saharans (0.721 vs. 0.778).
The ancestral markers are disproportionately higher in "sub-Saharans", which in this case as we know, is based on that lone sample from the Ivory Coast, and then, they are moderately represented in "southern Mediterraneans", which would be our coastal north African samples here, and least represented of all the groups herein, in the "northern Mediterranean" samples, which here would be the southern European samples. Respectively, greater nucleotide variation is found in "sub-Saharans", as characteristic of the ancestral markers, moderate diversity in coastal northern African, and least diversity in Europe. This seems to find some expression in the general positions assumed by the samples in the plots respective to each marker-format type; in each case, the northern African groups appear to be in the intermediary positions between the African samples in the extremes and the European ones on the other hand. Along the x coordinates of the multidimensional scaling plots provided to us by the authors of the present study, the Ivory Coast sample consistently attains the most extreme position on one end. Please refer back to the plots or maps provided earlier in the body of this post.

Of the derived examples of the Alu-STR clusters, the distributions patterns found in the present study suggest possible "southern Mediterranean" or coastal Northern African origins (or at least, populations ancestral to them) for the following types: CD4 110(-) and DM 107(-)
The highest frequencies of CD4 110(-) and DM 107(-) have been found in the High Atlas region (7 and 5.5%, respectively) of Morocco, reaching polymorphic frequencies in all the North African samples [barring the Mozabites for the CD4 110(-) combination]. They have also been found in the Iberian Peninsula, scattered along the northern Mediterranean shore to Greece and Turkey, and on the main islands of the western Mediterranean (Majorca, Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily; González-Pérez et al., 2007). The CD4 110(-) haplotype (Flores et al., 2000) and has also been reported in West Saharans and Mauritanians on five of the seven Canary Islands (Flores et al., 2001), as well as in Adygei from the Northern Caucasus (Tishkoff et al., 1996). Assuming from their frequency distribution that the place of origin of these particular haplotypes is located in the westernmost extreme of North Africa (Fig. 4A,B), their current ample distribution along both shores of the Mediterranean most likely reflects the effect of gene flow across the region since ancient times, even though specific ages cannot be accurately estimated with our data. Similarly, specific Mediterranean haplogroups or clades (U6 and M1b in the mtDNA; EM78 and EM81 in the Y-chromosome) have also been described for these populations and dated in Paleolithic times.
Last but not least, in keeping with pointing out the recurring theme of the lingering onto outdated or outmoded and subjective concepts by the authors of the present study, the following serves as further example:
Concerning Northern Mediterraneans, the gene flow from sub-Saharan Africa was inappreciable for Alu markers and swung from 6 to 15% for the Alu/STR haplotypes data calculations. When gene flow in Northern Mediterraneans was tested, taking Central Europe and Southern Mediterraneans as parental populations, the results were statistically inconsistent, indicating the limited power of our markers to discriminate gene flow within Caucasoid populations. Nonetheless, the distributions of frequencies for the Mediterranean haplotypes CD4 110(-) and DM 107(-) (Fig. 4A,B) are suggestive of gene flow processes across this geographical region.
Such recurring themes throughout different parts of the study do not bode well for the authors at hand.

*Keep an eye on possible future updates.
___________________________________________________________________
*References:

— As already cited in the body of the post.

Tuesday, September 2, 2008

Chronological Bits - Crania

Quick chronological bits on Anatomically modern human specimens:

East Africa:

Omo I ~ 195, 000 years ago.



Other views of the Omo I specimen: These below give a very good indication of the scope of the missing sections of the actual skull, the remaining fragments of which have been mated to a carefully moulded piece—emulating the contours of the skull fragments where they are fitted—to hold the fragments together and provide an intuitive idea of how the complete skull--had it been fully preserved—would have looked:


Below is a diagrammatic comparison between the skulls of Homo heidelbergensis, Omo I and a recent human respectively...


Herto Man ~ 165,000 years ago.


Levant:

Qafzeh skull ~ 90,000 to 100,000 years ago.



Good link to Paleontology!

East Africa - Nile Valley:

Singa specimen, Sudan ~ anywhere from 100,000 to 150,000 years ago depending on what source a reader picks up [Chris Stringer & Grun (1991) puts the age at ~ 100,000 years ago, McDermott et al. (1996) put it between ~ 140,000 and 150,000 years ago]


The specimen was uncovered in 1924. Note the Singa specimen's extraordinarily broad bi-pareital width near the bosses; several observers [e.g. notably Chris Stringer] describe this condition as one of a pathological one, attributable to absence of bony labyrinth structures in the skull's temporal bone, on the right side; see...

"From Singa in the Sudan, there is another hominin, discovered in 1924. On the basis of U-Th dating of calcrete adhering to the bones, the Singa cranium is >133,000 years old. It has a domed frontal, a relatively high vault, and is very broad at the parietal bosses. Here, the parietals are thickened, mostly because of diploic expansion. Great biparietal width is perhaps related to pathology, because the Singa right temporal lacks structures of the bony labyrinth." - Rightmire (2009), Middle and later Pleistocene hominins in Africa and Southwest Asia.

Some observers in the past [e.g. Woodward (1938) and Wells (1951)] have advocated affinities between KhoiSan cranial trends and the Singa calvaria, and the possible genealogical ties thereof; others, Alan G. Morris (2003) for example, contest such viewpoints, noting that...

Although the skull is difficult to date, the most recent attempts have suggested that it is older than 100 000 years (Grun & Stringer 1991) and has little to do with the direct ancestry of specific recent African populations. - A. G. Morris (2003), The Myth of the East African 'Bushmen'.

As far as Morris is concerned, KhoiSan morphological trends are just as "derived" relatively recently in biohistory as any other recent group...

"The ancestral allelic states identified f rom both mitochondrial and Y-chromosome DNA do indeed reflect ancient roots but the total morphological pattern is as derived from the ancestral form as it is in any other human group. The morphology of populations reflects adaptive patterns that are dynamic responses to sequences of adaptive events in the local environment."

Taramsa-1 specimen ~ 55,000 years BP
A child burial was found at Taramsa-1 dating to this time (c.55,000BP): “The poorly preserved bones were those of a sub-adult ‘anatomically modern human’ similar in appearance to the Mechtoid populations of the north African Epipalaeolithic. The position of the body, as well as the depth of the pit in which it was found . . . suggest that the child had not died in this location but had been deliberately brought here to be buried” (Midant-Reynes 1992/2000 p.37).

Nazlet Khater specimen ~ 30,000 to 38,000 years BP


Wadi Kubanniya specimen ~ 20,000 years BP

Tushka specimens ~ 14,500 +/- 490 years BP [Wendorf 1968, and personal communication per Groves 1999]

Sahaba specimens ~ 13,700 +/- 600 years BP [Wendorf 1968, and personal communication per Groves 1999]

Jebel Sahaba-Wadi Halfa specimens ~ 12,000-6000 years BP [Sahaba specimens ~ 13,700 +/- 300 Wendorf 1968, per Groves 1999]

West Africa:

Jebel Irhoud specimens ~ 160,000/+ years ago, comprising of two adult male skulls (Irhoud 1 and 2) and juvenile's jaw (Irhoud 3) fragment, humerus (Irhoud 4) bone and a pelvis fragment (Irhoud 5)...


Above, we have a sketch of an adult male, and right by that, is the photo of the actual skull. In the image following, is the mandible fragment of a child, along with two subsequent images zeroing in on a tooth from the same specimen—i.e."tooth and tooth growth lines of 160,000-year old Homo sapiens child" [courtesy of Natural History Museum].

Irhoud 1 and 2 adult male specimens were uncovered in 1961. Both reportedly have a mix of pleisiomorphic [such as low vault, thick supra-orbital ridges, occipital buns and robusticity] and "modern" traits [such as for example, the level of protrusion of the face and large rectangular orbits]. The same applies to the mandible fragment of what is estimated to be an eight-year old child (Irhoud 3), uncovered in 1968; it is deemed to be considerably robust and its posterior symphysis recalls the "archaic" types of Skhul or Qafzeh. The humerus bone (Irhoud 4)—also deemed to that of a child, and uncovered in 1969—continues the empirical trend of robusticity. Last but not least, "a fragmentary pelvis encased in breccia" was uncovered at the Jebel Irhoud site, as noted by Stringer and Gamble (1993). Courtesy of Natural History Museum, we are told the following about the mandible piece of an eight-year old child... 

"Tests on remains from a child show it was growing as slowly as an eight-year-old child would today. This is the earliest evidence of a prolonged childhood in our modern human ancestors, Homo sapiens."

"The team of scientists ... looked for molar teeth in the jaw that may not have erupted, an important clue to the development of a child. And a powerful X-ray technique on a fossilised tooth revealed microscopic growth lines hidden inside. This shows the tooth was immature and had grown slowly, the same as an eight-year-old child's would today." 

"Humans have the longest childhood of all primates, and this feature in nature is associated with complex social structures, as the brain has longer to develop during childhood.
 

More ancient human ancestors grew up much faster. For example Australopithecines , living about 3 million years ago, may have reached adulthood by the age of 12."

"The fossil remains of this child, who was about eight years old, were discovered in the Jebel Irhoud site in Morocco in 1968. 'This is a very important site and has often been neglected in the discussions of modern human origins,' says Chris. 'In my own case, studies of an adult skull from this site over 30 years ago was one of the factors that led me to the view that our species had evolved in Africa.'

'While I think that the Irhoud material is probably less 'modern' overall than do the authors of this paper, nevertheless these fossils could certainly represent populations ancestral to modern humans, and they show that North Africa may well have played a significant part in our origins,' concludes Chris." -
Courtesy of Natural History Museum 

These specimens had been prematurely dismissed as "Neanderthaloids" or "Neanderthal-like", but more recent research have shown that these specimens actually belonged to anatomically modern humans, albeit retaining what some call "pleisiomorphic" cranio-facial tidbits here and there. Furthermore, reactionary attempts to render these specimens as "non-African" fall flat, as they date to time frames earlier than the oldest known examples in both Europe [Upper Paleolithic ~ 30 to 35ky ago] and the so-called "Southwest Asia" [in the Levant ~ 100,000; see Qafzeh above].

Aterian specimens ~ dates ranging from 32,150 +/- 4800 years ago to 41,160 +/- 3500 years ago according to thermoluminesence estimation of an Aterian level wherein a mandible fragment and a piece of canine tooth were recovered; no radiometric age estimation is available for the Dar es-Soltane and Temara specimens at the moment according to E. Trinkaus (2005), who goes onto note that age estimations of Aterian levels, as put forth by Debenath (1994) and Wengler (1997), open up the possibility that the Aterian industry extended well into the late Paleolithic after 30,000 years BP, likely alluding to estimations such as that based off of a radiocarbon date on a "Helix" shell—ca. 25,580 +/- 130 years ago (Debenath 2000). These age estimates seem to point the stratigraphically upper layers of the Aterian industry, i.e. the latter layers (the Upper Paleolithic), since the complex extends to as far as the middle Paleolithic ~ 90,000 + years ago based on age estimates of the deeper or older layers of the industry.



The Aterian specimens all in all comprise of a partial skull, with the face sans a complete mandible—save for a hemi-mandible, as shown in the image above—to the left, a juvenile skull cap, as shown above—to the right, an adolescent mandible fragment missing the ramus, yet another mandible fragment, and a canine tooth. The first specimens were recovered from the Dar es-Soltane II site in 1975, while the remaining two specimens were recovered from the El Harhoura site in 1977. The aforementioned Aterian "partial skull" (Dar es-Soltane 5) noticeably sports supra-orbital ridges, which some observers may well consider as part of the "pleisiomorphic" elements that accompany the "modern" characteristics; Erik Trinkaus describes the Dar es-Soltane 5 and Temara 1 specimens as follows...

"At about the same time period as the Nazlet Khater remains are the Aterian fossils from Dar-es-Soltane and Temara (Vallois & Roche 1958;Ferembach 1976, 1998;M´enard 1998, 2002). They have dentitions that are reduced relative to the preceding late Middle Pleistocene remains of the region (Hublin & Tillier 1981) but are still moderately large. Temara 2 lacks a supraorbital torus and has a rounded occipital region, and Dar-es-Soltane 5 has some prominence of the tuber symphyseos, reduction of the nasal region, distinct canine fossae, and a high and rounded anterior neurocranium.Yet, Temara 1 lacks a chin, and Dar-es-Soltane 5 has a clear supraorbital torus and a relatively wide mandibular ramus. For their late OIS 3 age, they exhibit an archaic/modern morphological mosaic unusual in Africa." - E. Trinkaus (2005), Early Modern Humans.

Taforalt specimens ~ 10,800 +/- 241 years BP to 12,070 +/- 400 years BP. [Roche 1963, dates per Groves 1999]


Afalou-bou-Rhummel specimens ~ date back to about the same time frame as the Taforalt specimens, although are proclaimed to be "*somewhat* later in date". [no specific dates provided by Groves 1999] 

Mechta-el-Arbi specimens ~ 8,500 years ago. [dates per Groves 1999] 

Gobero Early Holocene (Kiffian) specimens, Niger ~  9,500 to 10,000 years ago

In relation to the Gobero Kiffian remains, Sereno et al. (2008) note...

"Phase 2 peoples are tall in stature, approaching two meters for both males and females. Hyperflexed, supine burial postures predominate, their compact configuration and anatomical articulation suggesting that their bodies were tightly bound with animal skin, ligament or basketry binding, although no trace of these perishable materials are preserved (Figure 4C). Their crania are long and low and are characterized by a distinct occipital bun, flattened sagittal profile, pentagonal posterior outline, broad proportions across the zygoma and interorbital region, broad nasal aperture, and negligible alveolar prognathism (Figure 4D), features that are apparent in juveniles as young as four years of age (Figure 4E) and absent in skulls from mid-Holocene burials [see below, the specifics of the mid-Holocene Gobero specimens]" - Sereno et al. (2008), Lakeside Cemeteries in the Sahara: 5000 Years of Holocene Population and Environmental Change.

Hassi el-Abiod specimens, so-called "Mechtoids" or "Mechta-Afalou" of Mali ~ 4,500 to 7,000 years BP, comprising some 89 individuals according to some sources [see below for details]; 15 individuals were dated at ca. 7,000 years BP, while 46 specimens were dated at ca. 4,500 years BP [B.M. & C. Rothschild, 1996]

Barbara Barich notes about the Hassi el-Abiod burial patterns, that...

"The Hassi el Abiod cemetery in Mali, with its sample of 89 individuals, can be considered a real exception (Petit-Maire, Riser eds. 1983). This human group has been accurately studied and described, and clear inhumation practices have been identified. For example, they maintained a practice of placing the body in a crouched position, on the left or right side, with the head oriented towards the east (Dutour 1989). This also represents a very important anthropological sample, providing an invaluable opportunity for comparison with material from another important cemetery, Jebel Sahaba." - Barbara E. Barich, People, water, and grain: the beginnings of domestication in the Sahara and the Nile Valley, 1998.

Notice how what is ordinarily called "sub-Saharan west Africa" in Eurocentric media circles, is interestingly referred to as the "Sahara" when it comes to discussing certain matter, like in this case, the so-called "Mechtoids" of Hassi el-Abiod, or say, the Tamasheq ("Tuaregs") groups of that same region. In all other occasions, Mali is simply bunched along with, and dismissed as "sub-Saharan" Africa. Barich goes onto provide a schematic of Jebel Sahaba burial practice (below), and therein too, the head of the dead face east, while the bodies are placed in a crouched position, though mostly on their left side.


Asselar specimen from Asselar, Mali ~ 6,400 BP [C.A. Diop, per Chamla (1986), and Boule & Vallos (1932)]

Gobero Mid-Holocene (Tenerean) specimens, Niger ~ 4,800 to 6,700 years ago


"Occupational Interruption (6200–5200 B.C.E)
 

A harsh arid interval separates early and mid-Holocene populations at Gobero, when the paleolake appears to have dried out and the area abandoned. Although we have no means to directly assess aridity, no terrestrial or aquatic vertebrates or lakebed sediment have been dated to this interval, which lasted approximately one millennium (Figure 3). The only specimens dated within this interval were found in the paleolake deposit and consist of a cluster of the small gastropod Melanoides tuberculata, a species that prefers periodically flooded habitats to permanent water bodies." - Sereno et al. (2008), Lakeside Cemeteries in the Sahara: 5000 Years of Holocene Population and Environmental Change.

The Gobero Tenerean burials surface after this "occupational interruption", and as far as their cranio-morphological particulars go, Sereno et al. tell the reader that...

"Phase 3 humans have more gracile skeletons and shorter stature for both males and females. They are buried most commonly in semi-flexed postures on either left or right sides (Figure 5D, E). Their crania are long, high and narrow, and their faces are taller with considerable alveolar prognathism (Figure 5C). Principal components analysis of craniometric data clearly distinguishes the mid-Holocene population at Gobero (Gob-m) from all other sampled populations, including the early Holocene population at Gobero, Iberomaurusian and Capsian populations from the Maghreb, “Mechtoids” from Mali and Mauritania, as well as much older Aterian samples (Figure 6). The morphological isolation of the mid-Holocene population from Gobero is particularly noteworthy, as several of the other populations sampled (WMC, Mali, Maur) are believed to be mid-Holocene contemporaries." - Sereno et al. (2008), Lakeside Cemeteries in the Sahara: 5000 Years of Holocene Population and Environmental Change.

Haua Fteah mandible specimens ~ 40,000 to 46,000 years ago. These comprise of two ramus fragments attributed to two individuals [Haua Fteah I and 2], between 18 & 25 years of age and between 12 and 17 years of age respectively. Haua Fteah 1 was uncovered in 1952, while Haua Fteah 2 was uncovered in 1955. As with other northwest specimens described above, and northeastern African specimens, these specimens were in the past assumed to belong to "Neanderthal-like" populations, until more recent assessments demonstrated similarities to recent groups, including "sub-Saharan" Africans.

*Click on small-sized images for higher resolution. More to come, as this page gets updated.
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Additional reading:

Mechta and Afalou: Do they and the so-called "Mechtoids" constitute a type with the "Cro-Magnon"?

Monday, September 1, 2008

Crania: Behind the "Generalized Modern human pattern" ...

Within 'Medi-centrist' circles, ideologues have sought psychological refuge in this anthropological catchword, in relation to cranial morphology; however, what is this term really a code word for? Well, let's examine from the language of a few anthropological publications, what this really boils down to...

The reactionary and outdated anthropological work of Colin Groves naturally comes to mind immediately:

...The implications of the Herto find for modern human origins are clear. Here were H. sapiens, more primitive than anyone now living but recognizably members of our own species, living in north-eastern Africa at a time when the Neanderthal people were in sole occupation of Europe. Even later than Herto, the only people for whom we have evidence were still non-modern - an enigmatic Neanderthal-like skull from Maba in China, and late H. erectus in Java. Just as predicted by the Out-of-Africa model, modern humans appear in Africa long before they are known from anywhere else.

There are implications for the origins of modern races, too. Herto (and Jebel Irhoud) are H. sapiens, but with primitive features. They are not, racially speaking, Africans. The later Omo and Klasies remains are more modern, but they too are archaic, and certainly show no traces of the features that characterize any modern races. Only Qafzeh and Skhul seem to lack these primitive features, and rate as “generalised modern humans”.

Our species seems to have existed as an entity long, long before it began to spread outside Africa or the Middle East, let alone split into geographic races.

When, then, did H. sapiens begin to split into races? The evidence indicates that modern racial features developed only gradually in each geographic area. The earliest H. sapiens specimen outside the Africa/Levant region is from Liujiang in China, whose dating was recently confirmed at 67,000 BP by a group led by Guanjun Shen of Nanjing Normal University. Like Qafzeh and Skhul, Liujiang is a “generalized modern”; it has no Mongoloid features.

The East Asian fossil record is not good enough to show when Mongoloid features began to develop. All we can say is that they must have developed before the end of the Pleistocene (12,000 BP) because this is when people began to cross what is now the Bering Strait (which was then a land-bridge); and Native Americans are Mongoloid.

H. sapiens began to enter Europe about 40,000 BP, but it is only at 28,000 BP that we get a fossil that shows any Caucasoid features - the Old Man from Cro-Magnon, in France.

Within the African homeland, the appearance of Negroid features is debatable. The skull from Border Cave, on the South Africa/Swaziland border, may be 60,000 years old and may show Negroid features, but both claims have been challenged.

And Australia? The earliest widely accepted dates for human occupation are of the order of 60,000 BP, not more, according to Bert Roberts of La Trobe University and the late Rhys Jones of the Australian National University. The claim that the Mungo Man skeleton is 62,000 BP has recently been challenged. According to a recent study led by Jim Bowler of Melbourne University, both Mungo Man and Mungo Woman may be only 40,000 years old (AS, April 2003, pp.18-21), but they are still the earliest skeletal remains we have from Australia. Are they Australoid?

Of all “major races”, Australoids have evidently changed least from the generalized modern human pattern, but the flat, receding forehead and angular skull vault that characterise many full-blooded Aboriginal people today are somewhat different to the Qafzeh/Skhul pattern. A 1999 study by Susan Antón and Karen Weinstein of the University of Florida, in the process of confirming that some of the Australian fossils (including most of the famous Kow Swamp series) had undergone artificial head deformation in infancy, found unexpectedly that most of the Pleistocene fossil Australian crania are rounder-skulled than modern ones. So racial features developed late in this part of the world, too.

In summary, the new discovery at Herto does not shatter any myths, but it extends the dataset, shifts the weight of evidence yet more decisively in favour of the Out-of-Africa model of modern human evolution, and helps to place modern racial variation very firmly into context.

Colin Groves is professor of archaeology and anthropology at the Australian National University.

© Control Publications 2003


Let's see what Groves says is not the "generalized modern human pattern":

— primitive features

...which Grove observes, is a feature of the Herto, the Omo and Klasies specimens; and to drive this point, Grove tells us that: The later Omo and Klasies remains are more modern, but they too are archaic, and certainly show no traces of the features that characterize any modern races.

Apparently, bespeaking of the outdatedness of his viewpoint, the Omo specimens that Grove deems more modern, are actually much older than the Herto specimen — that is, outside the fallacy of "human races".

What else is not generalized modern, according to Groves?

— Mongoloid features

...on which we are clued in, here: Like Qafzeh and Skhul, Liujiang is a “generalized modern”; it has no Mongoloid features.

What else?

— Caucasoid features

And we know this, because Groves tells us that: it is only at 28,000 BP that we get a fossil that shows any Caucasoid features - the Old Man from Cro-Magnon, in France.

Mind you, this would be the same "Caucasoid" Cro-Magnons that Chris Stringer tells us: more like present-day Australians or Africans, judged by objective anatomical categorizations, as is the case with some early modern skulls from the Upper Cave at Zhoukoudian in China

And with regards to which, Brace says: oft-repeated European feeling that the Cro-Magnons are “us” (46) is more a product of anthropological folklore than the result of the metric data available from the skeletal remains

We are also clued in that generalized modern isn't exactly....

— modern racial features...either!

Yeap, you probably guessed it; he implies this to us, right here: When, then, did H. sapiens begin to split into races? The evidence indicates that modern racial features developed only gradually in each geographic area.

Yet even by Groves' own rationale, although he turns around and simply says that it has been challenged, the so-called 'Negroid' trait preceded the so-called Caucasoid:

Within the African homeland, the appearance of Negroid features is debatable. The skull from Border Cave, on the South Africa/Swaziland border, may be 60,000 years old and may show Negroid features, but both claims have been challenged.

For if the said 'Negroid' features are attested to 60 ky ago, then that would apparently predate the questionable appearance of the so-called 'Caucasoid' features at ca. 28 Ky ago among the discredited "Caucasoid Cro-Magnons" , wouldn't it?!

But perhaps the most instructive piece of Groves' racialist discourse, is this:

Of all “major races”, Australoids have evidently changed least from the generalized modern human pattern, but the flat, receding forehead and angular skull vault that characterise many full-blooded Aboriginal people today are somewhat different to the Qafzeh/Skhul pattern.

It doesn't take much of a stretch of the imagination to see that Australian aborigines are tropically-derived peoples, with considerable skin eumelanin, placing them well within the range of skin pigmentations found across 'sub-Saharan' Africans. In popular language, we all know the latter are known as "blacks". Indeed, Groves' ability to see closer phenotypic link between Australian aborigines and Upper Paleolithic "Eurasian" specimens of Qafzeh/Skhul and Australia, is consistent with the aforementioned Chris Stringer et al.'s assessment:

"Nor does the picture get any clearer when we move on to the Cro-Magnons, the presumed ancestors of Modern Europeans. Some were more like present-day Australians or Africans, judged by objective anatomical categorizations, as is the case with some early modern skulls from the Upper Cave at Zhoukoudian in China

Source: African Exodus: The Origins of Modern Humanity by Christopher Stringer and Robin McKie, Page 162

Stringer et al.'s observation is yet consistent with that of Neves et al. 2005:

"Increasing skeletal evidence from the U.S.A., Mexico, Colombia, and Brazil strongly suggests that the first settlers in the Americas had a cranial morphology distinct from that displayed by most late and modern Native Americans. The Paleoamerican morphological pattern is more generalized and can be seen **today** among **Africans, Australians, and Melanesians.**

Here, we present the results of a comparative morphological assessment of a late Paleoindian/early archaic specimen from Capelinha Burial II, southern Brazil. The Capelinha skull was compared with samples of four Paleoindian groups from South and Central America and worldwide modern groups from W.W. Howells' studies.

In **both analyses** performed (classical morphometrics and geometric morphometrics), the results show a clear association between Capelinha Burial II and the Paleoindians, as well as Australians, Melanesians, and Africans, confirming its Paleoamerican status."


Reminiscent of Groves' distancing of the generalized cranial morphology from the so-called 'Mongoloid pattern', Neves et al. tells us:

The increasing evidence that all late Pleistocene/ early Holocene human groups from South America are characteristically non-Mongoloid has major implications for the colonization of the Americas, as argued by one of us (WAN) since the end of the 1980s. Even if few studies with large samples from single sites have been carried out so far with Paleoindians (see Neves et al., 2003, 2004, as examples of these studies), it is evident by now that South America Central America and possibly North America, were populated by human groups with a more generalized cranial morphology before the arrival of the Mongoloids.

Like Stringer, they too see the generalized pattern as that akin to that seen in cranial morphology of tropical adapted groups like Australians, Melanesians and Africans:

— Since this more generalized morphology (‘‘Australo-Melanesian- like’’) was also present in East Asia at the end of the Pleistocene, transoceanic migrations are not necessary to explain our findings.

— As presented in detail elsewhere (Neves et al., 2003) the arrival of an ‘‘Australo-Melanesian-like’’ population in the Americas is easily accommodated under what is presently known about the place of origin and the routes taken by modern humans in their first long-distance dispersions (Lahr and Foley, 1998).

What Neves et al. tells us next, pretty much sums up why Upper Paleolithic African specimens show affinities with Upper Paleolithic 'Eurasians', as well as Paleo-Indians:

1) Accordingly, a population that began to expand from Africa around 70 ka reached southeast Asia by the middle of the late Pleistocene, carrying with it a cranial morphology characterized by long, narrow neurocrania and narrow, projecting faces.

2) We postulate that after reaching southeast Asia, this stem population gave rise to at least two different dispersions.

— 50 Ky ago
One took a southward direction and arrived at Australia around 50 Ka.


— Between 50 and 20 Ky ago
Sometime between 50 and 20 Ka a second branch dispersed towards the north, and arrived in the Americas by the end of the Pleistocene, bringing with it the same cranial morphology that characterized the first modern humans.

Neves et al.'s observations are apparently valid, and appears to be the consensus scientific finding, but even they fall victim to "idealized" typological constructs [as indicated by the need to refer to the term "Mongoloid" at all] — although to a much lesser degree than Groves — and it serves one to understand that when they speak of stronger phenotypic associations between Paleo-Indians and Paleo-Eurasians and contemporary dark-skinned tropically-adapted/derived groups like aboriginal Australians, Melanesians and Africans than other contemporary groups, that with regards to Africans, the comparison is being made with view to only a snapshot of African diversity. Take for instance, the following Neves et al. characterizations of the Paleo-Indian source populations:

Recap — Accordingly, a population that began to expand from Africa around 70 ka reached southeast Asia by the middle of the late Pleistocene, carrying with it a cranial morphology characterized by long, narrow neurocrania and narrow, projecting faces.

And then this — When the classical Mongoloid cranial morphology appeared in northeastern Asia, either as a local response to extreme environmental conditions, or as the product of a migration from northern Europe, a new expansion of northern Asians reached the New World, bringing with it a cranial morphology characterized by short, wide neurocrania and broad, retracted faces.

Although local microevolutionary processes in the Americas can not be precluded to explain the transition from a generalized to a very specialized cranial morphology (Powell and Neves, 1999), a model based on the entrance of two different morphological patterns from the Old World is much more parsimonious.

The two patterns are further described as follows...

The three different quantitative analyses undertaken in this study demonstrate that the first South Americans exhibit a cranial morphology that is:

1 — very different from late and modern Northeastern Asians and Amerindians (short and wide neurocrania; high, orthognatic faces; and relatively high and narrow orbits and noses)

2 — but very similar to present Australians/Melanesians and Africans, especially with the former (narrow and long neurocrania; prognatic, low faces; and relatively low and broad orbits and noses).

Source: Neves et al. 2005; Cranial morphology of early Americans from Lagoa Santa, Brazil: Implications for the settlement of the New World.

Clearly, the cranial patterns described in association with the Australian/Melanesian and African groups is only a snapshot of the actual overall diversity of Africans; the combination of traits described above is often invoked in what one might refer to as 'stereotypical Negro" — or as it has been referred to elsewhere — as "forest Negro". Certainly, these traits do not cover the full range of cranio-facial patterns observed across sub-Saharan Africans and Africans as a whole; they are just subsets of the said variation.

Revisiting that last 2nd point: 2 — but very similar to present Australians/Melanesians and Africans, especially with the former (narrow and long neurocrania; prognatic, low faces; and relatively low and broad orbits and noses).

It should be obvious from the above, that showing stronger phenotypic affinities with the above mentioned groups — Australians, Melanesians, and Africans, that this doesn't mean the said three groups show no inter-group differences; apparently, there are discernible phenotypic manifestations between them, with contemporary Australians and Melanesians perhaps showing somewhat stronger links to the aforementioned Paleolithic specimens than contemporary Africans, but relatively smaller distances between the three contemporaries and the Paleolithic specimens, than the case may be with other groups; this brings us to the:

Conclusion: Stronger phenotypic associations are observed between the modern tropically-adapted/derived groups like Australians, Melanesians and Africans and Paleolithic groups of Africa, Eurasia and America, because original modern humans were tropically-adapted Africans, who sported considerable skin pigmentation — that is to say, "blacks". Therefore, the 'generalized modern' is nothing more than a code word or just another euphemism for a variant(s) of the [naturally, dark-skinned] tropical African, otherwise also called "black African". This applies to their tropically-adapted Paleolithic descendant populations in the Levant, SouthAsia, Europe, and the Americas. The generalized moderns represent part of the then existing overall variation of tropical Africans, just as the "stereotyped" or "idealized" sub-Saharan African archetype constitutes just a part of overall phenotypic diversity of Saharo-Sub-Saharan Africa.

Ps — Some Eurocentric ideologues, as exemplified in Groves' work, unable to psychologically come to grips with their ultimate derivation from dark-skinned [tropical] African ancestors, conjure up pseudo-scientific "racialist" or typological discourse wherein they seek to mystify the fact by hiding behind code terms like "generalized modern", even if it means contradicting themselves in the process — again as Groves did — and overlooking it. For instance, from Groves, one almost gets the sense that he tries too hard to make a case that the generalized modern is a type which is spared so-called archaic features, yet distinctive from 'contemporary' populations which he divides and classifies into rigid types, while at the same time, acknowledging a relatively stronger association with the contemporary likes of aboriginal Australians. It doesn't take a genius to figure out that aboriginal Australians are considerably dark skinned peoples, whom like other tropical-affiliated groups like Melanesians, are in certain ways reminiscent of their dark skinned African brethren, not to mention sporting strong morphological affinities with both Paleo-'Eurasians' and Paleo-Africans, because they all emanate from autochthonous dark skin ancestral populations of tropical Africa — a fact which is relayed through cephalo-morphometric study, as just examined, and molecular genetics — wherein relatively deeper monophyletic units or markers are attested to in these groups [especially Africans] than those observed in their counterparts elsewhere!
____________________________________________________
*References:

— Colin Groves 2003

—Neves et al. 2005; A new early Holocene human skeleton from Brazil: implications for the settlement of the New World.

—Neves et al. 2005; Cranial morphology of early Americans from Lagoa Santa, Brazil: Implications for the settlement of the New World.

—Christopher Stringer and Robin McKie, African Exodus: The Origins of Modern Humanity.

— Brace et al. 2005, The questionable contribution of the Neolithic and the Bronze Age to European craniofacial form. Neat little link (clickable) to a discussion on the draft of the this paper before it went into publication!

Monday, February 25, 2008

Mechta-Afalou and the so-called Mechtoids: Continued!

Part 1 of this subject:
Mechta and Afalou: Do they and the so-called "Mechtoids" constitute a type with the "Cro-Magnon"? [clickable link]

The following are personal notes of the present author, largely made on a discussion...

It is worth noting that, just as Howell's collection falls short of representing a broader spectrum of regional inter-African variability, so is Groves' even smaller selection from this collection for comparative analysis, using the select "contemporary" groups as a basis for comparing the late Paleolithic/early Holocene specimens. This needs to be taken into consideration when recalling on Groves' claims about the so-called "caucasoid" and "negroid" intra-African geographical transition in the Paleolithic and how this divide supposedly shifted, with the so-called northern "negroid" territorial limit having shifted southward to some extent in the post-Paleolithic periods, in particular - the present.

Recalling Groves,...

a wide sparsely populated region whose people are intermediate morphologically between “Caucasoid” and “Negroid”. While the late and terminal Pleistocene populations of northern Africa were noticeably more robust than their present-day descendants (as were those of Europe), like them they were differentiated into more northerly “Caucasoid” and more southerly “Negroid” morphologies. **Yet the transition between these two geographic forms was much further north in the terminal Pleistocene than today**; the terminal Pleistocene Nubians and the Asselar skull are as “Negroid” as are the modern Teita of Kenya; the intermediates were the people of Afalou-bou-Rhummel in Algeria.

Going onto Groves' Factor analysis

Click on the image for greater resolution
 
The means of selected modern samples from the dataset of Howells (1973) were entered along with those of the fossil samples into a factor analysis to assess the interrelationships of the samples.

The males of the Afalou, Taforalt and Cro-Magnon samples lie far to the right on the diagram (Fig. 4), on factor 1, followed by Nubia male, Asselar, Cro-Magnon female, and Norse and Egypt male; to the left (scoring low on factor 1) are Dogon and Teita males, and the females of the remaining samples. On factor 2, Cro-Magnon, Taforalt, Norse and Egypt score positively, and Afalou and the sub-Saharan and Nubian samples score negatively.

Factor 1 represents robusticity, factor 2 represents the sub-Saharan/Caucasoid contrast. The Caucasoid populations (Egypt, Norse, Cro-Magnon) score positively on factor 2, the sub-Saharan Teita score negatively. The modern Dogon (Southern Mali) samples are intermediate. The fossil Nubians who were described as being Mechtoid score strongly negative, as does the Asselar skull (Central Mali). What is especially interesting is that Afalou also scores negatively, if only slightly; it occupies the same morphological position as do the modern Dogon.

Present author's take: Of note, is that in the figure in question, the Dogon which Groves' analysis deems "intermediate", it just so happens that the male specimen fell on the "positive" end, while the female counterpart on the "negative" end. Meanwhile, as claimed in Groves' notes above, the Nubian fossils which have been described as being "Mechtoid", report "negatively". That Groves considers the Dogon the modern "intermediate" specimen between two so-called "geographic morphologies" of "caucasoid" and "negroid" would be interesting to anyone who is familiar with the Dogon people.

An old New York Times piece on the Afalou...

"The discovery of a new race of neolithic man at Afalou, Algeria, with strange resemblances to the Natufians recently found in Palestine, was announced by the french scientists, Marcellin Boulle and Heri Vallois. Like the Natufians, these hitherto unknown people had some of their incisor teeth knocked out in early life and their limb bones were strong. Their discoverers were unable to connect them with either the Neanderthal man or the Negro or with mediterranean types of modern times."

What's interesting about this piece, is that it makes note of the "resemblances" between the Natufians and the Afalou. In a few years of discovery, in the 1930s, Natufians were then deemed by certain researchers of the time to have "negroid" tendencies. This was before any link between Natufians and early farming practices was made. Taking this into consideraton, one has to pause and think, when the New York time piece says:

"Their discoverers were unable to connect them with either the Neanderthal man or the Negro or with mediterranean types of modern times."

In relation to the above: Perhaps, the "generalized" modern type?!

Either the discoverers didn't have the credentials necessary to make educated comparative observations, or they knew something they didn't want to share with the reading public or their target audience.

It is not certain here what date the NY times piece was released or the full report, but it could be possible [aside from not having yet fully studied the specimens for finer details] that the claim for not being able to draw a connection with the said “types”, has something to do with the notion that the Afalou supposedly resemble or have affinities with the Upper European specimen named Cro-Magnon [who have been viewed as European ancestors]. Remember that Elliot Smith denied any possible ties between the Natufians and the “Negro” type(s), even though other Eurocentric scholars of his time at least acknowledged traits which they associated with the “Negro” type(s). If Afalou was deemed to have been “Negroid”, while resembling the Cro-Magnon, then this would be tantamount to saying that European ancestors, as Cro-Magnons, were “Negroid” or had “Negroid” tendencies as well. Would the Eurocentric scholars of that era have gone that far? The present author believes one can draw his/her own conclusions on this.

The Cro-Magnons don’t tie with contemporary coastal Berbers, as Brace points out, while Briggs and Groves’ seem to imply that the Afalou are not devoid of the so-called “Negroid” traits, painting them as “Intermediate” specimens. Groves’ comparison of the Afalou with the Dogon as being “intermediate”, is particularly interesting, given that we have an idea of what the Dogons look like.

Furthermore, Groves tells us...

“Arambourg et al. (1934) referred to these robust North Africans as the “Mechta-Arbi race”; Ferembach (1962) as Ibero-Maurusians, or Epipalaeolithic, after their lithocultural association. Briggs (1955) divided the Afalou and other samples into four “types” (Palaeomediterranean, African Mediterranean, African Alphine, and true Mechta-Afalou). Anderson (1968) considered them far too homogeneous to warrant this treatment, and indeed Briggs’s analysis is in the typological tradition that held sway up until about 1940, but was thereafter increasingly discarded” — C. Groves, 1999.

Briggs must have felt that he saw enough variations between the North African samples, so as to warrant the said four "types". But as Groves points out, others later, felt that the samples were less heterogeneous to warrant Briggs' kind of labeling, into four African "types". The legitimacy of a single type to which the above specimens, including the European Cro-Magnons, supposedly belong, will be re-visited shortly.

Groves goes onto say:

Exactly the same process of gracilisation seems to have taken place in this region; Carlson and Van Gerven (1977) attributed it to a change in masticatory function, associated with the processes leading to the adoption of agriculture. The largest collection, from Tushka and Sahaba, was described by Anderson (1968); he considered them in the context of “Negroid origins”, but ended by concluding that they are strongly resemble the “Maghrebian Cromagnoids”, as he called Mechta-Afalou populations, but considered that they were “half-way to ‘Negroidization’”, and demonstrated the late derivation of sub-Saharans from Caucasoids

Briggs, as pointed out earlier, felt that the North African samples, the African Mediterraneans, weren't devoid of "Negroid" traits, but acquired these from "Negro" females on their migration path. Anderson on the other hand, interestingly uses "Negroidization", meaning that the originally "Caucasoid" groups evolved into the "Negro" [Sub-Saharan as Groves put it] type. "Caucasoids" spawning "Negroids"; one wonders where that has been heard before?

Alternatively, how about the "Caucasoidization" [we all know why this term doesn't exist] of the original "Negroids"? Funny business! It should be obvious to anyone by now familiar with Out-of-Africa hypothesis of modern human origins, the overwhelming ongoing scientific consensus, that the idea of "negroids" evolving from "caucasoids" is utter descredited nonsense. Moreover assessment of the distribution pattern of human skin pigmentation alleles corresponds well with the Out-of-Africa hypothesis, as do most other genetic monophyletic units; links to that topic:

Skin pigmentation gene alleles [clickable link]

Skin pigmentation gene alleles Part 2 [clickable link]

Revisiting the issue of a "type" to which "Mechtoids" supposedly to belong...

“Arambourg et al. (1934) referred to these robust North Africans as the “Mechta-Arbi race”; Ferembach (1962) as Ibero-Maurusians, or Epipalaeolithic, after their lithocultural association. Briggs (1955) divided the Afalou and other samples into four “types” (Palaeomediterranean, African Mediterranean, African Alphine, and true Mechta-Afalou). Anderson (1968) considered them far too homogeneous to warrant this treatment, and indeed Briggs’s analysis is in the typological tradition that held sway up until about 1940, but was thereafter increasingly discarded” — C. Groves, 1999.

Recap: Briggs must have felt that he saw enough variations between the North African samples, so as to warrent the said four "types". But as Groves points out, others later, felt that the samples were less heterogenous to warrent Briggs' kind of labeling, into four African "types".

Let's examine this:

Recalling the present author's take: The specimens previously placed under the ‘Mechta-Afalou’ actually don’t represent a “type”, but an assortment of specimens that share affinities in some respects, and not so much so in others. Even “robusticity’, which it seems has been seized by some to justify classification into a “type” or “categorization”, varies.

...which is not incompatible with Brace's observation on "Cro-magnon" as well:

Paul Broca himself had promoted the view that the Basques represent the continuing existence of the kind of Upper Paleolithic population excavated at the Cro-Magnon rock shelter in the village of Les Eyzies in the Dordogne region of southwestern France in 1868 (38-40). Shortly thereafter the “old man” -“le vieillard” -found in that rock shelter was elevated to the status of typifying a whole “Cro-Magnon race” regarded as ancestral to not only the Basques but also the aboriginal inhabitants of the Canary Islands (37, 41-44)…

When the Basques are run with the other samples used in Fig. 1, they link with Germany and more remotely with the Canary Islands. They are clearly European although the length of their twig indicates that they have a distinction all their own. It is clear, however, that they do not represent a survival of the kind of craniofacial form indicated by Cro-Magnon any more than do the Canary Islanders, ***nor does either sample tie in with the Berbers of North Africa*** as has previously been claimed (37, 44-45).

…

To test the analysis shown in Fig. 3, Cro-Magnon, represented by the x in Fig. 4, was removed from the European Upper Palaeolithic sample and run as a single individual. **Interestingly enough, Cro-Magnon is not close to any more recent sample**.

Clearly Cro-Magnon is not the same as the Basque or Canary Island samples. Fig. 4 plots the first and second canonical variates against each other, but that conclusion is even more strongly supported when canonical variate 3 (not shown here) is plotted with variate 1. If this analysis shows nothing else, **it demonstrates that the oft-repeated European feeling that the Cro-Magnons are “us” (46) is more a product of anthropological folklore** than the result of the metric data available from the skeletal remains... — Brace et al. 2005

...and in response to analyzing the following Groves' piece taken from his publication, “The terminal Pleistocene and early Holocene populations of northern Africa”, 1999:

To the southeast, further cranially robust remains have been described from Nubia, on the Egyptian-Sudanese border (Anderson 1968; Wendorf 1968a, b; Carlson and Van Gerven 1977). Exactly the same process of gracilisation seems to have taken place in this region; Carlson and Van Gerven (1977) attributed it to a change in masticatory function, associated with the processes leading to the adoption of agriculture. The largest collection, from Tushka and Sahaba, was described by Anderson (1968); he considered them in the context of “Negroid origins”, but ended by concluding that they are strongly resemble the “Maghrebian Cromagnoids”, as he called Mechta-Afalou populations, but considered that they were “half-way to ‘Negroidization’”, and demonstrated the late derivation of sub-Saharans from Caucasoids.

There are therefore a number of hypotheses about these terminal Pleistocene samples, which we propose to test this paper:

1. That the Mechta-Afalou populations are a generalized “robust” Homo sapiens population (Lahr 1994), or alternatively that they are robust because they are “Cromagnoid” in morphology, i.e. resemble the Upper Paleolithic populations of Europe (Ferembach 1985, Brauer and Rimback 1990)

Groves' results, with regards to 'robusticity':

Lahr’s (1994) hypothesis, that the Maghrebian samples resemble the Cro-Magnons, is true as far as the males are concerned, but not for the females. Cro-Magnon females are robust, as are Co-magnon males; Taforalt females, however, are not so robust.

As far as morphology is concerned, Groves' approach to discriminant analysis yields:


The discriminant analysis shows that the Nubian scatter is so wide that it is some of the Nubian males, rather than any of the Maghrebian ones, that are Cromagnon males’ nearest neighbors. The nearest neighbour of the Cromagnon females, however, is the sole Afalou female.

The frequency if occurrence of the horizontal-oval form of the mandibular foramen compares more closely to the Cro-Magnons in the Nubian than in the Maghrebian sample. In the Maghreb sample, it occurs in 1/15, ie. 6.7%, but in the Nubians in 4/18, that is 22.2% (in the Sahaba sample by itself, 4/14, or 28.6%).

According to Frayer (1992), in 38 late upper Paleolithic specimens (approximately contemporary with the present samples) this form occurs in 5.3%, although in 9 Early Upper Paleolithic specimens it was seen in 44.4%.

North African "Mediterraneans" [now defunct] and the so-called Mechtoid North African specimens were just part of early attempts of European researchers to seek a "European-like" component in north Africa, which in the case of the "Mechtoid" types, took the guise of using the so-called Cro-magnon specimen as the model to build the comparison around. Some of these researchers saw cranio-morphological resemblances between the so-called "Mechtoid" African specimens and the European "Cro-Magnon" specimen, as the present author has noted earlier, yet were not totally oblivious to the differences as well, which prevented them calling the African examples as plainly "Cro-magnons"...just as there were attempts to associate what was dubbed "African Mediterraneans" with the other so-called "Mediterranean" specimens, who just so happened to also belong to this one big happy family of "caucasoids".

Interestingly, as noted earlier herein, there had been some linkage drawn between the so-called "Mechtoid specimens" , i.e. the Mechta-el-Arbi, the Afalou-bou-Rhummel, the Taforalt specimens and possibly the likes of the Jebel Sahaba specimens of the Nile Valley, with what were dubbed as "Mediterranean racial types":

Recap: "The Negroid increment of which there is evidence in some of our Northern Neolithic Series, notably Kef-el-Agab 1 and Troglodytes 1, may have well come in the same way from the South to *add* to the *already* slightly **Negroid Hamitic cast** of the African Mediterraneans and of their **partial derivative**, the Mechta-Afalou Type." — Briggs

In another recap, Briggs goes onto to note that, again with regards to the so-called "Mediterranean racial type":

"...Type B which fits, in all essential respects, the usual definition of the Mediterranean racial type, but sometimes shows also certain morphological peculiarities commonly known as "Boskopid," as well as Negroid features among females. Type B therefore was classified as African Mediterranean...It may have well acquired its "Boskopid" traits on the road, near the headwaters of the Nile, and kidnapped a few Negro or heavily Negroid women on its way west before turning northward into Northwest Africa. The peculiar characteristics of such women could have been restricted largely to females, at least for a time, by artificial selection in the form of preferential mating." - Source: Briggs, Stone Age Races of Northwest Africa, pgs 81,89.

So, apparently both the so-called African "Cro-Magnoid-like" specimens [aka the "Mechtoid"/"Mechta-Afalou" type] in no way actaully represented a single cranio-morphometric type [wherein the "Cro-magnon" is used as the model of morphology], as the notes herein bring to light; the Maghrebian specimens are clearly distinguished from the so-called Mechtoid examples found in the Nile Valley, like the Sahaba specimens. We also know that the Megrebian examples, not in any way to be associated with contemporary northwest Africans, are clearly distinguished from the "Cro-Magnon" of Europe [seemingly acknowleged even in the terming of the "North African Cro-Magnoids" appellation—"iod" implying "likewise but not quite [what is the model]"], as demonstrated above in Groves' discriminant analysis where even some so-called "Nubian" specimens actually clustered closer to the European "Cro-magnoid specimens" than the Maghrebian examples. Yet, in Groves factor analysis, which he uses as his supposed gauging tool to term the "caucasoid" or "negroid" inclination of the specimens in question, the "Nubian" specimens were supposedly inclined towards the so-called "Negroid" tendencies, while the European "Cro-magnoid" specimens and the Maghrebian Taforalt series, to put it in Groves' terms:

On factor 2, Cro-Magnon, Taforalt, Norse and Egypt score positively, and Afalou and the sub-Saharan and Nubian samples score negatively.

...where essentially groups who scored "positively", were implied to have an inclination towards the so-called "caucasoid" tendencies...but it gets interesting, in continuing with Groves' claims:

Factor 1 represents *robusticity*, factor 2 represents the **sub-Saharan/Caucasoid** contrast. The Caucasoid populations (Egypt, Norse, Cro-Magnon) score positively on factor 2, the sub-Saharan Teita score negatively. The modern Dogon (Southern Mali) samples are intermediate. The fossil Nubians score strongly negative, as does the Asselar skull (Central Mali). What is especially interesting is that Afalou also scores negatively, if only slightly; it occupies the same morphological position as do the modern Dogon.

Present author's take: So [as already noted yet again], a Maghrebian specimen, namely the Afalou specimens, occupy the same position as the "modern Dogon" [although a Dogon male scores positively], which is the "intermediary" position? Well, we know what the modern Dogon generally look like...but if anything, at the least, this is yet indication that even the Maghrebian series don't all converge into a single cranio-morphometric "type".
[Note: Norse, Egypt, Dogon and Teita are supposed to be relatively modern examples from Howells' database — 1973]

Just as the so-called "Cro-Magnoid" actually fails to show a single morphological type, so does the so-called "Mediterranean racial type", as can be seen from the pains at which various researchers were trying to reconcile the seemingly so-called "Boskopid" and "Negroid" traits in "African Mediterranean" specimens with the basic ideology behind the so-called "Mediterranean racial type". Obviously the so-called "African Mediterraneans" notably differed from their so-called "Mediterranean" counterparts from across the other side of the Mediterranean sea, prompting these researchers to explain away what Briggs dubs as "morphological peculiarities". Now of course, as far as as the present author can tell at this point, we are not offered any specific extra-cranio-morphometric biological evidence that such "morphological peculiarities" were simply acquired from "miscegenation" between "African Mediterraneans" [whom by implication, were presumably devoid of such "morphological peculiarities" initially] and other groups which were presumably 'typified' by the said "morphological peculiarities", as opposed to being either relics or indicators of the natural micro-evolution of the said "African Mediterraneans". Of the present author's estimation, it seems that the attempt to draw up a type, around the Cro-Magnon model, as is the case to draw up a "Mediterranean racial type", is nothing more than futile Eurocentric attempt to create "types", more likely 'racial types', in which European specimens are presented as models, and extend this European family type into North Africa...as though an attempt to make North Africa into an extension of Europe, as opposed to its being factually [and objectively] part of Africa both geographically and biologically. The bio-anthropological goal of Eurocentric doctrine has historically been to create pseudo-scientific racial types or their subtly transparent "euphemisms", that will extend the associated "European-affiliated" family as much as possible into areas of interest. The pains at which Euro-researchers sought to create "types" around 'Euro-centered' or 'Euro-affiliated' models, can be exemplified in that seen in the following:

recap: “Arambourg et al. (1934) referred to these robust North Africans as the “Mechta-Arbi race”; Ferembach (1962) as Ibero-Maurusians, or Epipalaeolithic, after their lithocultural association. Briggs (1955) divided the Afalou and other samples into four “types” (Palaeomediterranean, African Mediterranean, African Alphine, and true Mechta-Afalou). Anderson (1968) considered them far too homogeneous to warrant this treatment, and indeed Briggs’s analysis is in the typological tradition that held sway up until about 1940, but was thereafter increasingly discarded” — C. Groves, 1999.

Translated source: Para conocer al hombre: Homenaje a Santiago Genovés a 33 años como investigador en la UNAM, by Santiago Genovés, Universidad Autónoma de México Instituto de Investigaciones Antropológicas, 1990.

Speaking of which—with regards to the Afalou‘s being “neither Negro or San”, on the other hand, from Groves, to repeat...

factor 2 represents the **sub-Saharan/Caucasoid** contrast. The Caucasoid populations (Egypt, Norse, Cro-Magnon) score positively on factor 2, the sub-Saharan Teita score negatively. The modern Dogon (Southern Mali) samples are intermediate. The fossil Nubians score strongly negative, as does the Asselar skull (Central Mali). What is especially interesting is that Afalou also scores negatively, if only slightly; it occupies the same morphological position as do the modern Dogon.

Recap: So, a Maghrebian specimen, namely the Afalou specimens, occupy the same position as the "modern Dogon" [although a Dogon male scores positively], which is the "intermediary" position? Well, we know what the modern Dogon generally look like...but if anything, at the least, this is yet indication that even the Maghrebian series don't all converge into a single cranio-morphometric "type".
[Note: Norse, Egypt, Dogon and Teita are supposed to be relatively modern examples from Howells' database — 1973]

The discriminant analysis shows that the Nubian scatter is so wide that it is some of the Nubian males, rather than any of the Maghrebian ones, that are Cromagnon males’ nearest neighbors. The nearest neighbour of the Cromagnon females, however, is the sole Afalou female. - Groves

What seems to be at work here? It looks to be what the present author calls the "Spanish crania" syndrome:

"race classification of all individuals in this sample using the Forensic Data Bank option. Of the 95 individuals, 42 (44 percent) were classified as white, 35 percent as black, 9 percent as Hispanic, 4 percent as Japanese, 4 percent as American Indian, and the remaining three individuals as Chinese and Vietnamese" - Ubelaker et al., Application of Forensic Discriminant Functions to a Spanish Cranial Sample, 2002 [see: Cranio-morphological Variation]

The above pre-historic "Nubian" crania display a phenomenon not uninterestingly distinct from their more modern counterparts:

“If Fordisc 2.0 is revealing genetic admixture of Late Period Dynastic Egypt and Meroitic Nubia, then one must also consider these ancient Meroitic Nubians to be part of Hungarian, part Easter Islander, part Norse, and part Australian Aborigine, with smaller contributions from the Ainu, Teita, Zulu, Santa Cruz, Andaman Islands, Arikara, Ayatal, and Hokkaido populations. In fact, all human groups are essentially heterogeneous, including samples within Fordisc 2.0. Using Fst heritability tests, Relethford (1994) demonstrated that Howells’s cranial samples exhibit far more variation within than between skeletal series. There is no reason to assume that the heterogeneity of the Late Period Dynastic Egyptian population exceeds that characterizing our Nubian sample. This heterogeneity may also characterize the populations in the Forensic Data Bank; Fordisc 2.0 classified the Meroitic Nubians not as either all black or all white but as black, white, Hispanic, Chinese, Japanese, and Native American.” - Williams et al. 2005 [again see: Cranio-morphological Variation]

Such is the result of preconceived attempts to force superficial population variations to undeviating non-overlapping socio-ethnic or "racial" types.

Synopsis: The European inclination to see themselves in North Africans, a region home to one of the most glorified highly-structured social complexes of antiquity — notable examples being Kemet and Kush, is what this whole "Mechtoid" deal is about; in this case, the Cro-Magnon was the Eurocentric template of choice. However, as Brace noted, nothing about the cranio-facial morphology of the contemporary Imazighen suggests a link to Cro-Magnons. And indeed, genetics backs him on this point as well.

As we have seen, even the attempt to relate prehistoric North Africans to European counterparts has virtually failed, as the Mechtoid concept shows; the specimens designated as such neither display a single cranio-morphological type nor robusticity, as the term "Mechtoid" implies. Heck, they are all not even dated to the same time frames. So, it is nothing more than the Eurocentric concept, as Brace again noted, to use "Cro-Magnon" and say that the "Cro-Magnon represents us"...with the "us" meaning "European". Brace characterized this belief as being more of an anthropological "folklore" rather than fact. In fact, Brace says that the Cro-Magnon doesn't tie with any of the contemporary European specimens he studied. So again, the Mechtoid concept and its supposed relationship with Cro-Magnon, is nothing more than another Eurocentric way of trying to relate North Africa to Europe...essentially a *wishful* desire to see north Africa as more an extension of Europe than the actual continent [Africa] its attached to. However, it fails miserably not only for reasons just noted, but also from the fact that none of the so-called Mechtoid specimen 'types' covered here have ever been located in Europe itself.