Friday, October 23, 2009

"Behaviorally Modern" and the affiliated "Magic Date"

At basic, one might surmise that "behaviorally modern" implies behavior that contemporary human populations can instantly relate to. However, precisely, what does it mean to be "behaviorally modern", as it relates to human prehistory; do the players in the academia use this term in the same context or apply it on the basis of a set scholarly code? For certain, "behaviorally modern" has been a recurring terminology in a number of articles over the years. Recounting one such appearance, here is a piece from Reuters dating back to early 2006 or so, titled Radiocarbon review rewrites European prehistory:

The ancestors of modern man moved into and across Europe, ousting the Neanderthals, faster than previously thought, a new analysis of radiocarbon data shows. Rather than taking some 7,000 years to colonize Europe from Africa, the reinterpreted data shows the process may only have taken 5,000 years, scientist Paul Mellars from Cambridge University said in the science journal Nature on Wednesday... Populations of anatomically and behaviorally modern humans **first appeared** in the near eastern region some 45,000 years ago and slowly expanded into southeastern Europe.

More recently, the matter cropped up in a Science Daily article of August 4th, 2009; the article noted:

...there has been a longstanding disagreement whether humans began to increase in number as a result of innovative technologies and/or behaviors formulated by hunter-gatherer groups in the Late Pleistocene, or with the advent of agriculture in the Neolithic...

Well, what does molecular genetics, a comparatively younger field have to say about this? The Science Daily article in question proceeds to tell the audience this:

ScienceDaily (Aug. 4, 2009) — Genetic evidence is revealing that human populations began to expand in size in Africa during the Late Stone Age approximately 40,000 years ago. A research team led by Michael F. Hammer (Arizona Research Laboratory's Division of Biotechnology at the University of Arizona) found that sub-Saharan populations increased in size well before the development of agriculture.

One can see from Science Daily's report, that molecular genetics answers the pressing matter of the causative behind the initial explosion(s) of human population size, which is torn between the aforementioned opposing factions of academia. However, that "magic date" of ca. 40 k or 45 k years ago shows its head again. What is up with the persistent latching onto that date or time frame? One would think that in concordance to archaeological finds, not to mention that of DNA sequencing just now talked about, that academia would have by now moved on from such 'rigid' thinking! Upon revisiting that Science Daily piece,...

...there has been a longstanding disagreement whether humans began to increase in number as a result of innovative technologies and/or behaviors formulated by hunter-gatherer groups in the Late Pleistocene, or with the advent of agriculture in the Neolithic...

...and then thinking back to such articles, like for example...

—Oldest Jewelry? "Beads" Discovered in African Cave [Blombos finds]

— Tiny Ancient Shells -- 80,000 Years Old -- Point To Earliest Fashion Trend [finds at 4 sites in Morocco]

—African Bone Tools Dispute Key Idea About Human Evolution When Did Modern Behavior Emerge in Humans?

Not to mention one about Homo Erectus "urbanization" in northern and eastern Africa.

...one gets an idea of the recurring theme of these finds, which is that the thesis centered on the 'magical' era of a supposed "unprecedented" sudden burst of human "intellectual" ingenuity around 45 ky or 40 ky ago or so is no longer tenable. Getting back to the question posed at the beginning of this post, pertaining to what "behaviorally modern" means and whether it has been framed according to discretion of individuals or according to a settled academic standard, let's take a look back at one of the articles listed above—the one published by National Geographic in 2004, titled Oldest Jewelry? "Beads" Discovered in African Cave. In a segment of that article titled "Weighing the Evidence", this is said of one observer's (by the name of Bower) reaction to Blombos Cave bead findings:

When is a bead a bead? The two ostrich-eggshell beads found at the Serengeti site are unquestionably beads, but questions pertaining to the accuracy of their dating at 70,000 years old remain. By contrast, the date of the Blombos artifacts is fairly certain, but some question exists as to whether they are actually beads. "The photographs [of the Blombos beads] look pretty convincing, but I'd like to see them in the flesh," Bower said. "A lot of shells like that have perforations, where they've been dropped by seagulls or occur through natural agencies. I'm cautiously convinced; it doesn't surprise me they occurred in a middle Stone Age context, since we found [beads] in Serengeti also."

Another observer...

The presence of beads, whether used as trade items, to convey group status, or to identify group members or relationships within a group suggests some form of language existed, says Henshilwood, who is affiliated with the University of Bergen, Norway, and the State University of New York. "What the beads might symbolize is unknown, but it does imply that there had to be some means of communicating meaning, which plausibly is language," Henshilwood said. 

"Everyone knew what it meant, just as today if you're wearing Gucci sunglasses or a diamond tennis bracelet, there's a message being put out."

Notwithstanding differences in the circumstances under which they were made, the observations of the two observers above converge, where viewing the artifacts as "beads" is concerned; that is, an item of "symbolism" and thereof with cultural value and message, something that populations can relate to "today". Contrast the two above-mentioned observers with the next one...

Richard Klein, an anthropologist at Stanford University who has worked extensively at dig sites in South Africa, is a major proponent of the idea that modern behavior appeared rapidly, around 45,000 years ago, possibly as the result of a genetic change that facilitated our use of language. He is not convinced that the shells found at Blombos are actually beads. "The holes are irregular and look fresh," Klein said. 

"We need to know why [the investigators at the Blombos site] think they were made by human hand and how they think they were made—were the holes punched out, did they file them, were they drilled out? Shell beads are very common in late Stone Age coastal sites, and you can see they're clearly modified as beads.  

"There are ten sites in South Africa that have been excavated, and at only one do we find this kind of evidence for precocious behavior. I don't think the case has been clearly made yet that these are beads." Klein also notes that the history of archaeology is littered with examples where later deposits of archaeological artifacts have slumped into older layers.
 
The isolated finds from middle Stone Age sites in Africa, even if correctly dated, don't necessarily indicate widespread "modern" behavior.

"don't necessarily indicate widespread "modern" behavior"? Perhaps one might figure that Klein is one of those personalities who suffer from the aforementioned "rigid thinking"—despite findings piling up which necessitate modification in one's thinking, bent on defending his vision of the 45k "magical moment" of human ingenuity for the first time in prehistory, spurred by some genetic mutation. This is how archaeologist Donald Johanson described Klein's viewpoint, consistent with the Science Daily article on the same matter revolving around some unprecedented "genetic change",...

"Klein, on the other hand, proffers the notion that it was probably a biological change brought about by mutations that played the key role in the emergence of behaviorally modern humans. His biologically based explanation implies that a major neural reorganization of the brain resulted in a significant enhancement in the manner in which the brain processed information. This is a difficult hypothesis to test since brains do not fossilize. But it is significant that no changes are seen in the shape of the skulls between earlier and later Homo sapiens."

But...

"It can only be surmised from the archaeological record, which contains abundant evidence for ritual and art, that these Upper Paleolithic/Late Stone Age peoples possessed language abilities equivalent to our own. For many anthropologists this represents the final evolutionary leap to full modernity."

Indeed, Klein's thesis of a sudden genetic mutation event as the causative in the "magical time frame" of ca 45k years ago cannot be discerned from fossil record, but it is precisely from such material, along with other aspects of archaeological index, that make it possible to discern the extent of human ingenuity. On another hand, one might say that perhaps Klein is to be forgiven for not being mindful of all the information now available at the time the cited comments here were made. Well, despite the fact that Klein must have been aware of the Serengeti finds in Tanzania that were also mentioned in the article under discussion, which also happened to be made up of beads, not to mention the matter of the "African Bone Tools", he still had himself convinced that these were not indicative enough of widespread "precocious behavior". In keeping with the matter at hand, Klein attempts to equate the Blombos finds with Michelangelo's "creativity", presumably as an "isolated" undertaking of an individual...

"You could have the prehistoric equivalent of a Michelangelo," Klein said. "An individual far ahead of his time, able to come up with innovative ideas that the rest of society doesn't adopt."

In making that analogy, it appears that it hadn't dawned on Klein that Michelangelo was a product of a society that already had 'culture' in place, i.e. culture with its own collections of symbolism or messages encoded through conduct and material. His "creativity" was an outgrowth of 'culture(s)' [beliefs, traditions, social order and conduct, social conditioning from childhood and so forth] that he was immersed in. It is against this backdrop, that this "creativity" was appreciated and deemed to have "meaning" in the first place; without that preexisting cultural background, Michelangelo's "creativity" would have ceased being viewed as a "necessity" [we shall shortly take a look at Henshilwood's factoring in the different environments and their associated various guises of necessity as possible influences in human behavior development]. Getting back to those "excuses" that could be made for Klein's shortsightedness, the aforementioned Henshilwood was cited by the National Geographic article rationalizing as follows...

The Coastal Advantage Henshilwood has a different theory to explain why evidence of symbolic thinking or "modern" behavior shows up in only some of the middle Stone Age sites, rather than all of them. "The answer could be that it's not a behavior that's necessarily required everywhere," he says. Early modern humans living in a region with plenty of land animals, for instance, wouldn't be motivated to develop specialized tools to catch fish. In addition, Henshilwood thinks the people at Blombos may have had a nutritional advantage. "We know today that fish is brain food," he said. "It's possible that people living in coastal regions just had a lot more going on. Remember, modern humans followed the coastline and reached Australia about 60,000 years ago, and they had to figure out how to build a boat to get there." He says the "creative explosion" that took place around 45,000 years ago could be merely the result of facing new environmental and social pressures. Such pressures might have included an increase in population and competition with other species outside of Africa, like the Neandertals, who had occupied Europe for several hundred thousand years.

Note Henshilwood's factoring in of environmental influence and associated necessity born out of that. Again, however, we come across this need for accommodating the so-called magical era [45ky] of 'creative explosion'. A case can be made that there were other hominids in Africa as well, whom the then outgoing Africans had to confront before minding about remnants of earlier OOA migrants outside of the continent. Surviving on the continent was no cakewalk by any means, and perhaps, the reason for human expansions elsewhere to begin with, if not in part! Could the tunnel vision-like-approach of this "magic era of creative explosion" viewpoint be in anyway affiliated with the advent of the arrival of ancestors of Europeans in the European sub-continent; in other words, "the magic era of creative explosion to coincide with the arrival of the immediate ancestors of contemporary Europeans", which is generally placed within the vicinity of the time frame of 40k to 42k or between 40k and 45k years ago? Such link at the moment requires unequivocal substantiation that needs to be further investigated, but Donald Johanson for his part, makes it a point to inform his audience that this "creative explosion" took place first in Africa before spreading elsewhere:

The archaeological picture changed dramatically around 40-50,000 years ago with the appearance of behaviorally modern humans. This was an abrupt and dramatic change in subsistence patterns, tools and symbolic expression. The stunning change in cultural adaptation was not merely a quantitative one, but one that represented a significant departure from all earlier human behavior, reflecting a major qualitative transformation. It was literally a "creative explosion" which exhibited the "technological ingenuity, social formations, and ideological complexity of historic hunter-gatherers."7 This human revolution is precisely what made us who we are today.

The appearance of fully modern behavior apparently occurred in Africa earlier than anywhere else in the Old World, but spread very quickly, due to population movements into other geographical regions. 

The Upper Paleolithic lifestyle, as it was called, was based essentially on hunting and gathering. So successful was this cultural adaptation that until roughly 11,000 years ago, hominids worldwide were subsisting essentially as hunter-gatherers. In the Upper Paleolithic of Eurasia, or the Late Stone Age as it is called in Africa, the archaeological signature stands in strong contrast to that of the Middle Paleolithic/Middle Stone Age. It was characterized by significant innovation:
  • a remarkable diversity in stone tool types
  • tool types showed significant change over time and space
  • artifacts were regularly fashioned out of bone, antler and ivory, in addition to stone
  • stone artifacts were made primarily on blades and were easily classified into discrete categories, presumably reflecting specialized use
  • burials were accompanied by ritual or ceremony and contained a rich diversity of grave goods
  • living structures and well-designed fireplaces were constructed
  • hunting of dangerous animal species and fishing occurred regularly higher population densities
  • abundant and elaborate art as well as items of personal adornment were widespread
  • raw materials such as flint and shells were traded over some distances
Homo sapiens of the Upper Paleolithic/Late Stone Age was quintessentially modern in appearance and behavior. Precisely how this transformation occurred is not well understood, but it apparently was restricted to Homo sapiens and did not occur in Neanderthals. Some archaeologists invoke a behavioral explanation for the change. For example, Soffer11 suggests that changes in social relations, such as development of the nuclear family, played a key role in bringing about the transformation.

Johanson too appears to have fallen victim to the 40ky ago "magic era of modern behavior" mentality, urging him to match his lower-end time frame limit for the initiation of this event with the 40ky ago date as opposed to going for a substantially higher lower-end time frame right off the bat, but less stingy when it comes to entertaining the possibility of a considerably higher time frame, as his allowable "upper-end" 50ky time frame indicates. Bower, on the other hand, had shared his own views on what "modern behavior" means:

"I hate the use of the word 'modern,'" Bower says. "Modern behavior is talking on the telephone. Clearly that's not what humans were doing a hundred thousand years ago."

Be that as it may, his opinion on what constitutes "modern behavior", what Bower says next may well be instructive; quote:

Emerging evidence suggests that aspects of human technology are now strung out way back in time. Blombos has bone points—you have the famous bone harpoons at Katanga [Central Africa, about 90,000 years old]—long before the "creative explosion of 40,000 to 45,000 years ago." "I'm inclined to think we should get rid of the whole concept of 'modern' behavior," Bower said.

Instructive; why? It could serve an instructive purpose, because quite simply, Bower's comment here appears to be the more accommodating one of all those professed by the various personalities thus far examined, to the accumulative property of the field of archaeology. Indeed, as we examine published material on additional and more recent finds in archaeology, while mindful of developments of other fields like molecular genetics, it becomes ever so harder to defend rigid concepts like the "sudden explosive event of creativity at around 40k or 45k years ago". This can be demonstrated from a series of publications, fairly recent ones as of the writing of this post, expanding on the small list of examples posted near the beginning of this post; consider:

"Our illumination of the heat treatment process shows that these early modern humans commanded fire in a nuanced and sophisticated manner," says lead author Kyle Brown, a doctoral candidate at the University of Cape Town, and field and lab director in Mossel Bay, South Africa, for ASU's Institute of Human Origins. "We show that early modern humans at 72,000 years ago, and perhaps as early as 164,000 years ago in coastal South Africa, were using<carefully controlled hearths in a complex process to heat stone and change its properties, the process known as heat treatment," explains Brown.

"Heat treatment technology begins with a genius moment – someone discovers that heating stone makes it easier to flake," says Curtis Marean, project director and a co-author on the paper. Marean is a paleoanthropologist with the Institute of Human Origins and a professor in the School of Human Evolution and Social Change at Arizona State University's College of Liberal Arts and Sciences. "This knowledge is then passed on, and in a way unique to humans, the technology is slowly ratcheted up in complexity as the control of the heating process, cooling and flaking grows in sophistication," Marean says. This creates a long-chain technological process that the researchers explain requires a complex cognition, and probably language, to learn and teach. The heating transformed a stone called silcrete, which was rather poor for tool making, into an outstanding raw material that allowed the modern humans to make highly advanced tools.

... Symbolic behavior and modern human origins
 
"Our discovery shows that these early modern humans had this complex cognition," Brown says. "This expression of cognitive complexity in technology by these early modern humans on the south coast of South Africa provides further evidence that this locality may have been the origin location for the lineage that leads to all modern humans, which appeared between 100,000 and 200,000 years ago in Africa," explains Marean. "There is no consensus as to when modern human behavior appears, but by 70,000 years ago there is good evidence for symbolic behavior," he says. "Many researchers are looking for technological proxies for complex cognition, and heat treatment is likely one such proxy.

"Prior to our work, heat treatment was widely regarded as first occurring in Europe at about 25,000 years ago," Marean says. "We push this back at least 45,000 years, and, perhaps, 139,000 years, and place it on the southern tip of Africa at Pinnacle Point." The African location was at the center of another discovery by Marean – the documentation of the earliest evidence for exploitation of marine foods and modification of pigments– reported in the Oct. 17, 2007, journal Nature.
 
"Combined, these results sharply advance our knowledge of modern human origins, and show that something special in human cognition was happening on the coastline of South Africa during this crucial final phase in human origins," Marean says. He adds that some time around 50,000 to 60,000 years ago, "these modern humans left the warm confines of Africa and penetrated into the colder glacial environment of Europe and Asia, where they encountered Neanderthals. "By 35,000 years ago these Neanderthal populations were mostly extinct, and modern humans dominated the land from Spain to China to Australia," Marean says.

"The command of fire, documented by our study of heat treatment, provides us with a potential explanation for the rapid migration of these Africans across glacial Eurasia – they were masters of fire and heat and stone, a crucial advantage as these tropical people penetrated the cold lands of the Neanderthal," says Marean.
Link

The abstract:

Fire As an Engineering Tool of Early Modern Humans

Kyle S. Brown,1,2 Curtis W. Marean,2 Andy I. R. Herries,3,4 Zenobia Jacobs,5 Chantal Tribolo,6 David Braun,1 David L. Roberts,7 Michael C. Meyer,5 Jocelyn Bernatchez2


The controlled use of fire was a breakthrough adaptation in human evolution. It first provided heat and light and later allowed the physical properties of materials to be manipulated for the production of ceramics and metals. The analysis of tools at multiple sites shows that the source stone materials were systematically manipulated with fire to improve their flaking properties. Heat treatment predominates among silcrete tools at ~72 thousand years ago (ka) and appears as early as 164 ka at Pinnacle Point, on the south coast of South Africa. Heat treatment demands a sophisticated knowledge of fire and an elevated cognitive ability and appears at roughly the same time as widespread evidence for symbolic behavior.
- Abstract ends
Link

From Marean et al 2007

Evidence of early humans living on the coast in South Africa, harvesting food from the sea, employing complex bladelet tools and using red pigments in symbolic behavior 164,000 years ago, far earlier than previously documented, is being reported in the journal Nature. The international team of researchers reporting the findings include Curtis Marean, a paleoanthropologist with the Institute of Human Origins at Arizona State University and three graduate students in the School of Human Evolution and Social Change.

"Our findings show that at 164,000 years ago in coastal South Africa humans expanded their diet to include shellfish and other marine resources, perhaps as a response to harsh environmental conditions," notes Marean, a professor in ASU's School of Human Evolution and Social Change. "This is the earliest dated observation of this behavior." After decades of debate, paleoanthropologists now agree the genetic and fossil evidence suggests that the modern human species -- Homo sapiens -- evolved in Africa between 100,000 and 200,000 years ago. Migrating along the coast "Generally speaking, coastal areas were of no use to early humans -- unless they knew how to use the sea as a food source" says Marean. "For millions of years, our earliest hunter-gatherer relatives only ate terrestrial plants and animals. Shellfish was one of the last additions to the human diet before domesticated plants and animals were introduced." Before, the earliest evidence for human use of marine resources and coastal habitats was dated about 125,000 years ago.

"Our research shows that humans started doing this at least 40,000 years earlier. This could have very well been a response to the extreme environmental conditions they were experiencing," he says. "We also found what archaeologists call bladelets -- little blades less than 10 millimeters in width, about the size of your little finger," Marean says. "These could be attached to the end of a stick to form a point for a spear, or lined up like barbs on a dart -- which shows they were already using complex compound tools. And, we found evidence that they were using pigments, especially red ochre, in ways that we believe were symbolic," he describes.

"Coastlines generally make great migration routes," Marean says. "Knowing how to exploit the sea for food meant these early humans could now use coastlines as productive home ranges and move long distances." "This evidence shows that Africa, and particularly southern Africa, was precocious in the development of modern human biology and behavior. We believe that on the far southern shore of Africa there was a small population of modern humans who struggled through this glacial period using shellfish and advanced technologies, and symbolism was important to their social relations. It is possible that this population could be the progenitor population for all modern humans," Marean says.

ScienceDaily (Aug. 27, 2009) — Shell beads newly unearthed from four sites in Morocco confirm early humans were consistently wearing and potentially trading symbolic jewelry as early as 80,000 years ago. These beads add significantly to similar finds dating back as far as 110,000 in Algeria, Morocco, Israel and South Africa, confirming these as the oldest form of personal ornaments. This crucial step towards modern culture is reported this week in the Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences (PNAS).



Subtext reads, courtesy of Science Daily: Perforated Nassarius gibbosulus from archaeological layers dated to between 73,400 and 91,500 years ago at Taforalt. (Credit: Image courtesy of d'Errico/Vanhaeren). Click on the image for higher resolution.

A team of researchers recovered 25 marine shell beads dating back to around 70,000 to 85,000 years ago from sites in Morocco, as part of the European Science Foundation EUROCORES programme 'Origin of Man, Language and Languages'. The shells have man-made holes through the centre and some show signs of pigment and prolonged wear, suggesting they were worn as jewelry. Across all the locations shells were found from a similar time period from the Nassarius genus. That these shells were used similarly across so many sites suggests this was a cultural phenomenon, a shared tradition passed along through cultures over thousands of years. Several of the locations where shells have been found are so far inland that the shells must have been intentionally brought there.

"Either people went to sea and collected them, or more likely marine shell beads helped create and maintain exchange networks between coastal and inland peoples. This shows well-structured human culture that attributed meaning to these things," said Francesco d'Errico, lead author and director of research at the French National Centre for Scientific Research (CNRS). "Organised networks would also assist trading of other items, as well as genetic and cultural exchange – so these shells help reveal the connections between cognition and culture."  

For scientists, beadworks are not simply decoration, they also represents a specific technology that conveys information through a shared coded language. It indicates more advanced thinking and the development of modern cultural traits, giving clues to how such innovative behaviors might link to the spread of humans out of Africa. "The early invention of the personal ornament is one of the most fascinating cultural experiments in human history," d'Errico continued. "The common element among such ornaments is that they transmit meaning to others. They convey an image of you that is not just your biological self."

Note here too, the authors could not resist openly acknowledging past attempts at making "modern behavior" only coincidental with the colonization of Europe by the ancestors of contemporary Europeans; see—they continue with:

Until recently the invention of personal ornaments was thought to coincide with the colonisation of Europe some 40,000 years ago, linking advanced cognitive capacity to early ["European-associated"; present author's emphasis] human dispersal. Yet this changed with the 2006 discovery of shell beads in Africa and the Near East dating back 35,000 years earlier, showing that symbolic thinking emerged more gradually through human evolution. Curiously, shell beads disappear from the archaeological record in Africa and the Near East 70,000 years ago, along with other cultural innovations such as engravings on ochre slabs, and refined bone tools and projectile points. They reappear in different forms up to 30,000 years later, with personal ornaments simultaneously re-emerging in Africa and the Near East, and for the first time in Europe and Asia. This may reflect an entirely new and independent phase of population growth with previously unseen innovations allowing a more efficient exploitation of a wider variety of environments. The temporary disappearance of cultural innovations could well be linked to population decreases during a long period of harsher climate conditions 60,000 to 73,000 years ago. This would have isolated populations, disrupting social and exchange networks.

This study was part of a broad network of 21 research projects and 44 individual research teams from 12 European countries forming the European Science Foundation EUROCORES programme 'Origin of Man, Language and Languages' (OMLL). This highly interdisciplinary collaborative action brought together scientists from a wide range of disciplines including genetics, linguistics, anthropology, archaeology, neurophysiology or cognitive sciences. Dr Eva Hoogland, EUROCORES coordinator for the cognitive sciences at the European Science Foundation said: "This study presents a very good example of the groundbreaking results that can be gained from an interdisciplinary environment. Some questions, such as those concerning the interconnections between human cognition and culture, can only be addressed if scientists of varying backgrounds join forces. As witnessed by this study, this opens up new avenues for research when it happens on a structural basis, by leading scientists from across Europe." This research was also supported with funding from the Natural Environment Research Council, the British Academy and Oxford University in the UK and the Max Planck Society in Germany.

For more reading, try this: ScienceDaily (May 7, 2009) — A team of archaeologists has uncovered some of the world’s earliest shell ornaments in a limestone cave in Eastern Morocco. The researchers have found 47 examples of Nassarius marine shells, most of them perforated and including examples covered in red ochre, at the Grotte des Pigeons at Taforalt. The fingernail-size shells, already known from 82,000-year-old Aterian deposits in the cave, have now been found in even earlier layers. While the team is still awaiting exact dates for these layers, they believe this discovery makes them arguably the earliest shell ornaments in prehistory. The shells are currently at the centre of a debate concerning the origins of modern behavior in early humans.

Many archaeologists regard the shell bead ornaments as proof that anatomically modern humans had developed a sophisticated symbolic material culture. Up until now, Blombos cave in South Africa has been leading the ‘bead race’ with 41 Nassarius shell beads that can confidently be dated to 72,000 years ago. Aside from this latest discovery unearthing an even greater number of beads, the research team says the most striking aspect of the Taforalt discoveries is that identical shell types should appear in two such geographically distant regions. As well as Blombos, there are now at least four other Aterian sites in Morocco with Nassarius shell beads. The newest evidence, in a paper by the authors to be published in the next few weeks in the Journal of Quaternary Science Reviews, shows that the Aterian in Morocco dates back to at least 110,000 years ago...

Research team leader, Professor Nick Barton, from the Institute of Archaeology at the University of Oxford, said: ‘These new finds are exciting because they show that bead manufacturing probably arose independently in different cultures and confirms a long suspected pattern that humans with modern symbolic behavior were present from a very early stage at both ends of the continent, probably as early as 110,000 years ago.’ Also leading the research team Dr Abdeljalil Bouzouggar, from the Institut National des Sciences de l’Archéologie et du Patrimoine in Morocco, said: ‘The archaeological and chronological contexts of the Taforalt discoveries suggest a much longer tradition of bead-making than previously suspected, making them perhaps the earliest such ornaments in the world.’...

The complete publication is available elsewhere on the net. Recent findings about Homo Erectus settlements in Africa also raise a plausible question: If "urbanization" or "sedentary settlement" is a sign of "precocious behavior", then would that not apply to these hominids and extend such behavioral pattern even further in time, dating before the appearance of "anatomically modern humans"? If so, it would make modern humans less unique, wouldn't it? Well, we learn from archaeologist Prof. Helmut Ziegert of Hamburg University, about the presence of huts and sedentary life dating back to ca. 400ky to 200ky ago, linked not to anatomically modern humans, whom the findings either predate or at least coincides with their first emergence, but to the Homo Erectus; read about it here:

MINERVA JULY/AUGUST 2007

Jerome M. Eisenberg, Ph.D. and Dr Sean Kingsley For decades archaeologists have rightly respected the Neolithic period c. 8500 BC as a revolutionary era of the most profound change, when the wiring of mankind's brain shifted from transient hunter-gathering to permanent settlement in farming communities. Hearths, temples, articulated burials, whistling 'wheat' fields and security replaced the uncertain ravages of seasonal running with the pack. Or so stereotypes maintain. Now, from the remote shores of Budrinna on Lake Fezzan in Libya, and Melka Konture on the banks of the River Awash in Ethiopia, a series of stunning discoveries are set to challenge the originality of the Neolithic Revolution.

After 39 years of surveys and excavations, Professor Helmut Ziegert of Hamburg University presents his results as a world exclusive in Minerva (pp. 8-9).
In both African locations he has discovered huts and sedentary village life dating between an astonishing 400,000 and 200,000 Before Present - if correct, literally a quantum leap in our understanding of man's evolution. Near aquatic resources, and not alongside agricultural fields, Professor Ziegert contests that our ancestors settled down for the first time in small communities of 40-50 people. At the heart of this new Lower Palaeolithic 'out of Africa' village theory are two world-changing ideas. First, that Homo erectus, Upright Man, had far more modernistic tendencies than previously believed; and second, that as unique as the farming villages of Jericho in the West Bank and Catalhoyük in Turkey are, their occupants were not the brains behind the origins of sedentism.

The innovative capacity of Homo erectus has challenged scholars for decades and remains a scholarly cauldron. Anthropologists such as Richard Leakey have long insisted that Upright Man was socially more akin to modern humans than to his primitive predecessors because the increased cranial capacity coincided with more sophisticated tool technology. Other scientists contend that Homo erectus was sufficiently advanced to have even mastered maritime transport. Yet both this assertion and the very idea that he ever got to grips with controlled fire are still considered controversial.

Only three years ago, however, Nira Alperson of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem discovered the oldest evidence of fire management at Gesher Benot Ya'aqov on the banks of the Jordan River in Israel's northern Galilee. The team analysed over 50,000 pieces of wood and nearly 36,000 flints from two hearths associated with a Homo erectus settlement dating back 790,000 years. More contentiously, Robert Bednarik is convinced that Upright Man ushered in the dawn of trans-ocean travel between 900,000 and 800,000 years ago as part of a wider revolution, usually attributed to the anatomically modern Homo sapiens, that included communicating with a spoken language and eventually carving and painting art 400,000 to 300,000 Before Present.

To test his theory, Bednarik built a 17.5m long, 2.8-ton bamboo raft, Nale Tasih 4, and crossed the 29km-wide stretch of sea from the east coast of Bali to the neighbouring island of Lombok. The results have convinced Bednarik that 'Between 400,000 and 200,000 years ago, hominins are also known to have crossed to at least two islands in Europe, Corsica, and Sardinia. This is soundly demonstrated, but in addition it is possible that much earlier they managed to cross the Strait of Gibraltar. Unfortunately, that cannot be proved conclusively, because the alternative of reaching Europe by land has always existed'. Stone Age 'seafaring appears to have been possible', agrees anthropologist Tim Bromage of Hunter College of the City University of New York, who has identified 30cm-wide South-east Asian bamboo as providing a versatile material for building rafts with simple stone tools.

So, Professor Ziegert's 'Out of Africa' aquatic model for the rise of village life in the Lower Palaeolithic does not emerge out of a cultural and intellectual void. As a veteran of over 81 archaeological surveys and excavations from Germany to Ecuador, ranging in date from the Lower Palaeolithic to the Islamic period, Ziegert is nothing if not scientifically cautious, which makes the current revelation all the more exciting. Between 2007 and 2010 he will be back in the field, returning to Budrinna and Melka Konture to fine-tune his life's work. To delve in greater depth into the mystery of the ecology, function, structure, and economy of these villages, he plans to search out cemeteries (complementary signs of fixed settlement) and use potassium argon isotopic dating, stratigraphy, and tool typology to measure the ebb and flow of village life in this dizzy, distant prehistoric past. - Ends

All the notes touched upon here demonstrate if nothing else, that the term "behaviorally modern" along with its associated "magical era of 40ky or 45 ky ago explosion" that happens to be coincidental with the colonization of Europe by anatomically modern humans are far more loaded concepts than the primary proponents make them out to be. These notes show that "behaviorally modern" doesn't even appear to have a consistent meaning across academia, nor does the emerging and changing archaeological record hold the tunnel vision-oriented approach of the "magical era of creative human explosion around 40ky or 45ky ago" ideological camp tenable any longer. It is not unreasonable to surmise that the said tunnel vision-like-approach may have something to do with the urge or desire to make the colonization of Europe by anatomically modern humans an event more extraordinary than it actually was, by matching up its time frame closely with a supposed "unprecedented" change in human behavior, spurred by some "unprecedented genetic mutation", a "very celebrated" part of which the earliest common recent ancestors of contemporary European would undoubtedly be made, within segments of "Western" academia. *Keep an eye on possible future updates.
______________________________________________________
*References:

— As already cited in the body of the post.

— Retrieval of personal notes dating from 2006 to 2009.

Saturday, September 19, 2009

E-M34: Designation as "African" presents a Dilemma?

Earlier on this year, the present author of this site had an exchange with a chat room regular and the author of a paper titled "Y Haplogroups, Archaeological Cultures and Language Families: a Review of the Possibility of Multidisciplinary Comparisons Using the Case of E-M35", going by the name of Andrew Lancaster, on issues pertaining to the origins and demic diffusion possibilities of E1b1b subclade 'E-M34'. There are some observers out there who basically prefer to treat E-M34 as an isolated [standalone] lineage on its own, away from all its other E-M35 siblings, and mute the fact that this lineage essentially signifies recent common African ancestry. In what appears to be ironic, sections of these same observes are inclined to use E-M34 as primarily a marker of "external gene flow" into Africa. To put the underlying reasoning by such observers to test, the present author of this site decided to query the aforementioned Lancaster on his views.

In the mentioned paper, Lancaster sees the E-M34 clade more as ultimately a marker of demic diffusion "into Africa" as opposed to "out of Africa"; he invokes geneticists Cruciani et al. (2004) as his primary reference-sources, to justify his viewpoints. Here, he recites the claim that from a distribution standpoint, E-M34 clusters appear to be absent in nations immediately neighboring Ethiopia [like Sudan], and the supposed greater intra-clade diversity found in the Arabian peninsula than in Ethiopia. When repeatedly told that the geographical location of the contemporary nation of Ethiopia need not be the original African territory of the African forerunners of E-M34 carrying Ethiopians, or that for E-M34 to be deemed "African", it need not be predicated on it having to have originated in what is now Ethiopia, and that instead these forerunners could have originated in a more northern latitude in the geographical sphere of the eastern Sahara, Lancaster's reaction is to present what is now part of the contemporary nation of Egypt as a "concession" on his part. According to this "concession", he is willing to give into the possibility that E-M34 originated in what is now part of Egypt and thereafter spilled over to the Levant to its east, and coastal north African areas to its west. He points to the relatively visible, not necessarily predominant, distribution of E-M34 markers in these areas, and in some cases, sporadic incidences of paraphyletic examples of E-M34. Lancaster seems to seize on the condition of "Semitic" speaking in Ethiopia as something that further justifies his viewpoint.

Lancaster's so-called "concession" revolving around an Egyptian origin is all fine and dandy, but even here, he refuses to see an Egyptian origin as essentially an "African" origin as well. He refuses to get in touch with the reality that Egypt is part of Africa, and therefore, that the two are not mutually exclusive of one another. Logic intimates that what is Egyptian is by default also African, but for some reason, when it comes to things African, such no-brainers suddenly belie logic. He insists that it would be better [on his account] to perceive Egypt in terms of the over-time-changing and subjective Eurocentric-created geopolitical constructs like the "Middle East" rather than the less subjective designator for the continent to which Egypt belongs. In other words, his "concession" has a precondition attached to it; that is, as long as Egypt is viewed as "Middle East", which is tacitly supposed to be mutually exclusive of "Africa". It is against this backdrop, he chooses to interpret an African origin as needlessly implicating "all of Africa"; such "problems" or "issues" of course, never arise when dealing with any other continent.

On the issue of distribution, Lancaster's recitation of authors [namely Cruciani et al. (2004)] who proclaim to have come up short where findings in territories immediately neighboring Ethiopia [like Sudan] is something that deserves closer inspection. Cruciani et al. (2004) themselves don't quite go out on a limb to rule out an "eastern African" origin, but point out two "observations" that point to, in their words, a "Near Eastern" origin:

Although the frequency distribution of E-M34 could suggest that eastern Africa was the place in which the haplogroup arose, two observations point to a Near Eastern origin: (1) Within eastern Africa, the haplogroup appears to be restricted to Ethiopia, since it has not been observed in either neighboring Somalia or Kenya (present study) or Sudan (Underhill et al. 2000).

A number of observations here: Firstly, it is fairly obvious that "eastern Africa" as used here, is a tacit reference to the "sub-Saharan" area of eastern Africa; for if that wasn't the case, then naturally, one would have to assume that Cruciani et al. (2004) are not informed about Egypt being located in "eastern Africa". Moreover, this would be at odds with Mr. Lancaster's "concession". Secondly, the authors here are obviously drawing a far-reaching conclusion from fairly narrow observations made from just two studies that they cite, one of which happens to be their very own—their then present study. The authors study did not include any sample from Sudan, leaving the authors to rely on a single older study.

A comprehensive look back at studies done in Sudan suggest that it is an area understudied, which is interesting, given "Western" academic circles' obsession with eastern African areas; there are very few studies [undertaken by elements of 'Western' academia] that have dealt with that territory, let alone comprehensive region-wide study of Sudan. In any case, if one were to take it as the absolute fact based on a few measly [however instructive] studies undertaken, E-M34 absence or rarity in immediately surrounding [Ethiopia] territories of the likes of Sudan, Somalia and Kenya presents another interesting case.

Like Egypt, territories of Sudan and Somalia are right by the Red Sea, and in many cases, however different the internal clusters, and/or distribution and frequency patterns of markers involved may be, have experienced demic diffusion events involving the same line of clades or macro-haplogroups that now find place on Ethiopian landscape. Ethiopia itself is now essentially a landlocked nation, with the parting away of Eritrea, underlying just how fluid and subjective geopolitical constructs can be, and hence, intellectually not economical to place one's bets [arguments] on purely geopolitical constructs. So, if it were a simple matter of gene flow from the Arabian peninsula or the Levant [seems to be Lancaster's leading impression] of the so-called "Near East", one would think that the probability of E-M34 chromosomes finding their way into Sudan, Somalia, Djibouti, Eritrea, as it has obviously done in Egypt and Ethiopia, should be reasonably high enough.

However, if the mutation itself occurred at some point somewhere in central-eastern Sahara, north of the equator, then it is certainly conceivable a community with a very modest effective population size could have taken a two-pronged dispersal: one in a direction towards the delta region of the Nile River Valley, and the other towards the Ethiopian region. There could have even been an additional one, headed westwards, along coastal north Africa. With such migration, it is not necessary for the migrants to have stayed put in what is now Sudan or say Somalia, and even if they had, negative random genetic drift on settlers forming a community(s) of fairly modest effective population size could have ensured that their numbers in these areas remain at undetectable levels, that is to say, one which could easily evade the foci of the selective and patchy sample undertakings by "Western" academic concerns.

Lancaster made a fuss about paraphyletic E-M34 clades having been detected in the so-called Near East, but not in Ethiopia, based on the few studies that make note of these incidences. As natural, and equally so, he was reminded of the other side of said observations: paraphyletic examples of E-M34 were for instance, noted in a Tunisian sample (Arredi et al. 2004), and an isolated incidence in southern Europe, Bulgarian sample, along with another single one in central Asia (Cruciani et al. 2004), but interestingly enough, not in the so-called "Middle East" either [as per both cited studies used as examples]. Needless to say, it would not make the least sense to pounce on an isolated incidence in a Bulgarian sample or one individual from Central Asia and draw a far-reaching conclusion that this must be the vicinity of where the E-M34 mutation first occurred.

Europe is not exactly the epitome of a comprehensive and wide-variety of distinctive E-M35 clades, and one can make the argument, though to a lesser extent than Europe, that the so-called "Near East" is not a garden of variety either, when it comes to E-M35 chromosomes. Africa, on the other hand, is an entirely different story...naturally. The point being, since it hasn't been phylogenetically demonstrated to date that E-M34 derives from any of the other known E-m35 derivatives in either the so-called Near East or Europe, Africa with its unsurpassed comprehensive range, does not run into that problem.

Furthermore, in many of the areas where E-M34 chromosomes had been detected, as related to Lancaster but not getting through to him, it has been found in tandem with other markers undeniably suggestive of most recent common African ancestry. An example of this is in the Levant, wherein paraphyletic R1 chromosomes [as earlier found in northern Cameroon] where observed in high frequencies in tandem with E-M34 chromosomes in Dead Sea Samples, which interestingly, had far lower Hg J markers than other neighboring so-called "Near Eastern" Semitic-speaking groups; conversely, said Dead Sea sample had much higher incidences of E-M34 than said neighbors, along with the X chromosome G6PD marker, generally stated to be restricted to African samples.

Lancaster somehow managed to mangle up the example, and interpreted it as one that supposedly relies on the notion that if said R1 chromosomes are shared with Africans, then it must necessarily follow that the E-M34 is "African". Continuing with Cruciani et al. (2004),...

(2) E-M34 chromosomes from Ethiopia show lower variances than those from the Near East and appear closely related in the E-M34 network (fig. 2D). If our interpretation is correct, E-M34 chromosomes could have been introduced into Ethiopia from the Near East. The high frequency of E-M34 observed for some of the Ethiopian populations could be the consequence of subsequent genetic drift, which can also explain the lower frequencies (2.3% [Underhill et al. 2000] and 4.0% [Semino et al. 2002]) reported for two large independent samples of Ethiopians.

While Cruciani et al. (2004) claim that the internal variation of Ethiopian showed "lower variances" than those from the so-called Near East, a close look at their own visual aid of the networks in question suggest something different: it shows little distinction between the level of distinctive branching within the Ethiopian index and that of the so-called Near Eastern examples. The distraction that Lancaster offers in reaction to this observation, was simply to query the present author of this blog as to whether he was questioning Cruciani et al.'s genetic credentials. Of course, that very idea is preposterous and immaterial, as a succinct and very specific observation was made about Cruciani et al. (2004) on the diagrammatic interpretation of the respective Ethiopian and "Near Eastern" E-M34 networks, which only needed a direct, and equally succinct and specific rebuttal to the contrary, if the dissident (Lancaster in this case) had one. The diagram in question was this:

Click on the image for better resolution

The subtext accompanied with the diagram reads:
Microsatellite networks of E3b haplogroups. A, E-M35*. B, E-M78. C, E-M81. D, E-M34. Reduced-median and median-joining procedures (Bandelt et al. 1995, 1999) were applied sequentially. A haplogroup-specific weight proportional to the reciprocal of microsatellite variance was used in the construction of the networks. The E-M78 unweighted network (not shown) gave the same quadripartite structure. Unassigned chromosomes (B) showed an intermediate position between clusters α and δ in the unweighted network. Microsatellite haplotypes are represented by circles, with areas proportional to the number of individuals harboring the haplotype. Branch lengths are proportional to the number of one-step mutations separating two haplotypes.

The diagram is there for anyone to examine him/herself, and so, if one wanted to make an argument counter to the one the present author of the blog makes, it should be a fairly straightforward undertaking, without beating around the bush with shallow distractions. The latter part [emphasized in bold] of the aforementioned "second" reasoning provided by Cruciani et al. (2004) just goes to show how much observations made in a particular study are greatly influenced by sampling selections and range by the respective authors of these studies; the differing observations attest to this. If the effect of genetic drift is to be thrown into the mix, as Cruciani et al. (2004) insinuate, then that takes us back to or only reaffirms the point made here earlier, about the effects of that same phenomenon on the demographic history of E-M34 migrants. Interestingly enough, the authors proceed with concluding their segment on E-M34 as follows:

From the Near East, E-M34 chromosomes could also have been introduced into Europe, possibly by Neolithic farmers, but the paucity of E-M34 chromosomes in southeastern Europe (Semino et al. 2004 [in this issue]; present study) weakens this hypothesis. Indeed, as for E-M78δ chromosomes, introduction of E-M34 from Africa directly to southern-central Europe cannot be excluded at the present.

The piece necessitates little further elaboration; it pretty much speaks for itself. The gem in it, of course, is that if E-M34 chromosomes introduced "directly" from Africa to southern Europe is more than probable and explains its distribution there, then why can the same not be true for the so-called "Near East"?

*According to Semino et al.'s report, there is microsatellite indication that much of Ethiopian hg J-M267 examples are of Neolithic provenance...
The majority of J-M267 Y chromosomes harbor the single-banded motif YCAIIa22-YCAIIb22 in the Middle East (>70%) and in North Africa (>90%), whereas this association is much less frequent in Ethiopia and only sporadically found in southern Europe. Considering the distribution of this YCAII single-banded pattern—which, besides the usual stepwise mutational mechanism, could be due to a stable mutational event (one locus deletion or a single-nucleotide mutation in the primer sequence)—we suggest that the motif YCAIIa22-YCAIIb22 potentially characterizes a monophyletic clade of J-M267...According to this interpretation, the first migration, probably in Neolithic times, brought J-M267 to Ethiopia and Europe, whereas a second, more-recent migration diffused the clade harboring the microsatellite motif YCAIIa22-YCAIIb22 in the southern part of the Middle East and in North Africa. In this regard, it is worth noting that the median expansion time of the J-M267-YCAIIa22-YCAIIb22 clade was estimated to be 8.7–4.3 ky, by use of the TD approach (see fig. 4 legend), and that this clade includes the modal haplotype DYS19-14/DYS388-17/DYS390-23/DYS391-11/DYS392-11 of the Galilee (Nebel et al. 2000) and of Moroccan Arabs (Bosch et al. 2001).
If true, this would mean that any "Afro-Asiatic" hg J-M267 from southern Arabia would have had to have been acquainted with the farming subsistence from the Levantine areas, and as such, certain Neolithic social terms associated with such economy would have been available. As noted here before, nothing comes to mind that suggests basic "Near Eastern" or "south Arabian" Neolithic-derived terms in Ethio-Semitic. Kivisild et al. are essentially treating hg J1-M267 as the effective marker for proto-Semitic speakers in Ethiopic populations, as opposed to E-M78 or E-M35 clades, which is odd, because the primary agents of spreading proto-Semitic or proto-Afrisan languages into the "Near East" and the Arabian peninsula in the first place would have largely been E-M35 carriers, who originate from an area where preponderance of evidence—including both genetic particulars and language diversity—places the origin of proto-Afrisan language phylum. This therefore puts hg J carrying groups in the "Near East" and elsewhere on the receiving end of "Afro-Asiatic" language acculturation, not the primary agents of it.

The structuring of hg J clades along linguistic lines within Ethiopian samples simply says that these groups likely merged together from distinctive demographic episodes; one involving the group predominantly comprising of proto-Ethiopic Semitic speakers—likely carrying both hg E-M35 clades and hg J clades—and the other,  predominantly Cushitic speaking groups—that's just about it; it tells us very little about the specific direction from which the aforementioned linguistically-structured markers respectively arrived—be it from the north or from the southern Arabia, short of comprehensive comparative analysis at the molecular levels between the Ethiopic groups and geographically proximate, exotic, non-Ethiopic groups.

Kivisild et al. were compelled to make J1-M267 into THE telltale marker for the spread of proto-Semitic phylum into the African horn, because they recognized the low to absent incidences of E-M78 in south Arabian samples, which no less were not based on actual sampling of Yemeni population at the time of their observations, but at the same time they had to contend with linguistic reconstructions that place Ethio-Semitic languages into the southern branch of the Semitic phylum. For those who are bent on explaining away autochthonous coming about of Semitic languages on African soil, this element entices the cooking up of theories around an origin in the southern tip of the Arabian peninsula, no matter how tenuous.

One cannot also help but arrive at the conclusion that the presence of E-M34 clades in southern Arabia must have been elusive to the authors in question, and that it may well be serving as a marker of Afrisan diffusion into that region. In Cruciani et al.'s 2004 journal, which the authors rely on, not only had E-M34 markers been reported in the sole southern Arabian sample (Omani), but so had the E-M78 counterparts, and they occur in identical incidences. That said, E3b1c1-M34 chromosomes are visibly prevalent in Ethiopian groups, as they are across the whole stretch of northern Africa.

From the earlier mentioned Semino et al. (2004) study, as it concerns the compatibility of Ethiopian J1-M267 clades with the idea of their introduction by southern Arabians, particularly their nearest neighbors—the Yemeni, it was acknowledged that:
The lower internal variance of J-M267 in the Middle East and North Africa, relative to Europe and Ethiopia, is suggestive of two different migrations.  - Semino et al. (2004)
This revelation to the authors' above is consistent with those reported elsewhere, and may well prove instructive in the quest to determine the duplicity of Ethiopian hg J clades with those in southern Arabia, particularly those of Yemen:
At another extreme, the haplogroup distribution of Yemen shows very limited variation, particularly when compared to neighboring populations, Oman and UAE (3 versus 11 haplogroups each), whereas Qatar is intermediate with a total of seven haplogroups, four of which display frequencies of less than 3.0%. Although Qatar does not approximate the lack of diversity seen in Yemen, the two populations display affinities that are apparent in the MDS plot, in which populations of the Levant are interspersed among the South Arabian populations, with Qatar and Yemen segregating apart from both UAE and Oman. - Cadenas et al. (2007)
The authors figure that one of the underlying causes for this reduction in diversity of Yemeni Y-DNA gene pool, in addition to subsequent expansions masking earlier ones, could be a matter of a "high degree of consanguinity" within the population. Having said that, elsewhere, they wrote:
Median BATWING expansion times based on Y-STR data for the Omani (2.3 ky; 95% CI: 0.6–29.2) J1-M267 chromosomes4 indicate a more recent arrival to the South Arabian populations as compared to the older expansion times obtained for the Egyptian (6.4 ky; 95% CI: 0.6–278.5)4 and Turkish (15.4 ky; 95% CI: 0.4–604.8)12 representatives of this haplogroup. Conversely, in the present study, Y-STR age estimates based on the method described by Zhivotovsky et al46 generated much older values for the J1-M267 haplogroup in Yemen, Qatar and UAE (9.7 +/- 2.4, 7.4 +/- 2.3 and 6.4 +/- 1.4 ky, respectively) than seen in the Omani,4 consistent with an earlier arrival to the region during the Neolithic. The data suggest expansion from the north during the Neolithic (or perhaps more recently), which is also reflected in the lower STR variances in southern Arabia (0.14 for Qatar, 0.15 for UAE, 0.20 for Yemen and 0.27 for Oman4 versus 0.31 in Egypt4 and 0.51 in Turkey12). Subsequently, a series of recent demographic events may account for the high haplogroup frequency of J1-M267 in the populations from the present study.  - Cadenas et al. (2007)
Like Semino et al. (2004) and Luis et al. (2004) before them, these authors too note the higher intra-haplogroup variance in J1-M267 chromosomes in areas to the north of the southern Arabian territories mentioned here both in the "Middle East" and Northeastern Africa than those in populations of said southern Arabian peninsula areas. In light of this, it is important to reiterate, just as the said authors themselves did by citing Semino et al. (2004), that the Ethiopian hg J1 clade gene pool was even more varied than those from the "Middle East" and coastal Northern Africa.

Furthermore, just as the aforementioned authors in the 2004 publications note the older expansion ages for populations to the north of the more southward-oriented populations in the Arabian peninsula, the authors here too arrive at the same conclusion, noting that the expansions appear to have began from the Neolithic times onwards from the north to south along the Arabian peninsula. Yet again, Ethiopian hg J clades in turn show older expansion ages than sections of Northern African and "Middle Eastern" gene pool, which have been affected by more recent demographic events, as have the southern Arabian groups mentioned here.

The estimated upper-end expansion time frame of Yemen's hg J1 gene pool in particular is one that is not inconsistent with that generally associated with the spread of Neolithic farming subsistence, but the more internally more varied hg J1 clades of Ethiopia than those in Yemen (not to mention the distinctive aforementioned paraphyletic clades of Ethiopia), and the rest of the south Arabian groups described here, is inconsistent with an idea of introduction from Yemen, or any other southern Arabian territory for that matter. This is significant, considering that hg J has a considerable presence in Yemeni Y-DNA gene pool; 72.6% according to Cadenas et al. (2007).

The picture is no less different, when it comes to E1b1b1c (E-M123 or its subclade "E-M34")  chromosomes; while Cadenas et al. (2007) cited Cruciani et al.'s (2004) reckoning about the plausibility of Ethiopian E3b1c1-M34 bearing chromosomes arriving from the "Near East", they did not go quite as far as suggesting a "Near Eastern" origin for the clade in any context:
On the other hand, Cruciani et al57 have postulated that the E3b1c-M123 clade may have originated in the Near East, as its presence in East Africa is restricted to Ethiopia (11.2%). The median expansion time for M123 in Egypt is 10.8 ky,4 comparable to the estimated age of M123 STR variation obtained through the method described by Zhivotovsky et al46 for UAE (11.1 +/- 3.9 ky) and Yemen (10.6 +/- 4.1 ky), although allelic differences between these two populations indicate that they do not share a common ancestry. Recent archaeological finds supports a trading relationship between Mesopotamia and the Arabian Gulf region dating back to the Al Ubaid Period (~7000 yBP) as evidenced by the excavation of Ubaid pottery from Mesopotamia in UAE.8–10 Ancient maritime trade routes linking Mesopotamia to the Indus Valley included Dilmun (the island of Bahrain) and Magan (in the southeastern tip of the Arabian Peninsula). It is possible that the close ties between Mesopotamia with both the Nile River Valley and the ancient Persian Gulf region during the Neolithic helped disseminate these haplogroups.  - Cadenas et al. (2007)
In fact, the authors' language suggests acknowledgment of E3b1c-M123 as more of a marker of African ancestry than one of "back-migration":
The E3b1-M35 sub-haplogroups, M123 and M78, are believed to have spread from East Africa to North Africa and later expanded eastward through the Levantine corridor and westward to northwestern Africa. Although E3b1a-M78 data suggest that this dispersal occurred in both directions,4,34,47 E3b1c-M123 disseminated primarily to the east.4 The distribution of the E3b1-M35 derivatives in Yemen, Qatar and UAE agrees with their arrival by expansion via the Levantine corridor rather than through the Horn of Africa. This route is similar to general patterns of Levantine mtDNA gene flows during the Upper Paleolithic55 to the Neolithic.5,55 This is immediately apparent by the M35 profile of several East African populations. - Cadenas et al. (2007)
Having noted Cruciani et al.'s (2004) postulation, the authors merely note that the trade network between said regions may have facilitated the spread of E3b1c-M123, which was followed by its expansion downward in the Arabian peninsula, wherein it appears to have undergone multiple founder effect—and likely genetic drift thereafter—events, resulting in the patterns noticed in the Arabian peninsula, with different populations having different subsets of E3b1c1-M34 chromosomes, which of course, brings us right back to Cruciani et al.'s (2004) claim of relatively lower internal variation in the Ethiopian E3b1c1-M34 gene pool than those from the "Near East".

Cruciani et al. (2004) provided us with a map of E3b1c-M123 among other E1b1b1 markers, displaying the Y STR network, wherein they tell us that the Ethiopian examples are more closely related than the "Near Eastern" examples, and hence, lesser diversity thereof. As noted here before, an instant look at the map itself doesn't appear to invoke a sense of that much of a difference between the internal diversity of Ethiopian chromosomes and those of "Near Eastern" examples as far as the number of distinctive inter-connecting "branches" that respective haplotypes fall into is concerned, save to say that where said haplotypes are branched-out immediately from one another and having come from populations within the same region or general geography, the Ethiopian examples do appear to display more shorter-length branches in between them than those from the "Near East". The comparison based on the latter phenomenon though, doesn't come from a level playing field; the Ethiopian haplotypes are expected to show relatively shorter branches with respect to one another, because they are highly geographically-proximate populations of the same nation state, whereas those from the "Near East" were pooled from distinct geographical territories spanning the Asian Minor, the Levant all the way to the southern tip of Arabia.

As we've just seen from above, the "Near East" expansions of E3b1c1-M34, likely first in the northward-oriented territories therein, and then from there towards the south, was marked by multiple "founder effect" situations accompanied by genetic drift—positive or negative, resulting in different subsets of E3b1c-M123 developing internally within respective distinct populations of the region. A fairer assessment would be pooling *all* African examples together, and comparing them with the pooled "Near Eastern" examples. Cadenas et al.'s (2007) posting of internal-diversity of E3b1c1-M34 clades per region is consistent with previous data.

Furthermore, the studies posted here all, and more, keep citing that singular Underhill et al.'s (2004) one study wherein E-M34 was not detected in a Sudanese sample, around which Cruciani et al. (2004) raise their "Near Eastern" origin plausibility, for Ethiopian chromosomes. In that same study, interestingly, no hg J clades were observed in the Sudanese sample either; How is that for a reality check? Yet, other studies have noted hg J markers in Sudanese samples. Semino et al. (2004) for their part, refrained from inferring the origin of Ethiopian E3b1c1-M34 clades, only noting that:
The network of E3b1a-M78 and that of E3b1c-M123 are in agreement with the hypothesis of their ancient presence in the Near East and their subsequent expansion into the southern Balkans. The divergence time (TD) (Zhivotovsky 2001) between the Near East and European lineages has been estimated to a range of 7–14 thousand years (ky) ago. Cinniog˘lu et al. (2004) found a high degree of variance of E3b1c-M123 in Turkey, which has been interpreted as being due to multiple founders rather than a single early dispersal event that has remained geographically circumscribed.  - Semino et al. (2004)
In Turkey alone, we are confronted with a scenario of multiple founder situations; it has implications on the point made herein and that by Cadenas et al. (2007), about this phenomenon having an impact on the pattern of "internal" variation from across a fairly wide region spanning the Asian minor to the southern tip of the Arabian peninsula, when populations therein are pooled together and pitted against that of the more geographically constricted territory of Ethiopia. The high degree of internal variation in Turkey has been attributed to "multiple founders" from different demographic episodes, but Yemeni and other south Arabian populations, as we shall see below [and also revisit info above], display fairly low internal variation for their E-M34 markers, or conversely, high degree of homogeneity...

From Cadenas et al.'s (2007) posting:
As the MDS plot displayed a close affiliation between South Pakistan and North Iran and the former segregated away from the Gulf of Oman populations, the x^2-test was repeated excluding South Pakistan. Although statistically significant differences are still apparent for haplogroup E (x^2 = 10.170, d.f. = 2, P = 0.0062) and R (x^2 = 10.560, d.f. = 2, P = 0.0051), J (x^2 = 2.577, d.f. = 2, P = 0.2757) exhibits an even distribution among Oman, UAE and South Iran. However, a greater homogeneity is observed among the South Arabian populations of Oman, UAE and Qatar for haplogroups E (x^2 = 2.249, d.f. = 2, P = 0.3248), J (x^2 = 4 831, d.f. = 2, P = 0.0893) and R (x^2 = 0.308, d.f. = 2, P = 0.8573). The significant differences in frequency of haplogroups result in detectable clines moving from the South Arabian populations to South Iran and then South Pakistan (E: 18.8, 6.8 and 3.3%; J: 50.4, 35.0 and 25.3%; and R: 11.2, 25.6 and 46.2% for South Arabia, South Iran14 and South Pakistan,30 respectively).  - Cadenas et a.l. (2007)
The above show gradients, wherein hg E is greatest in southern Arabia and decreases as one proceeds northward to southern Iran, and then eastward to south Pakistan, and the same applies to haplogroup J, while the reverse trend is seen in hg R, with the lowest frequencies in southern Arabia. The piece above notes a greater loss of diversity in all three haplogroups involved when it comes to southern Arabia, compared to the other mentioned regions. Yemeni gene pool for these are yet even more limited in their diversity than the aforementioned south Arabian populations of Oman, UAE and Qatar. Recalling the piece cited earlier:
At another extreme, the haplogroup distribution of Yemen shows very limited variation, particularly when compared to neighboring populations, Oman and UAE (3 versus 11 haplogroups each), whereas Qatar is intermediate with a total of seven haplogroups, four of which display frequencies of less than 3.0%. Although Qatar does not approximate the lack of diversity seen in Yemen, the two populations display affinities that are apparent in the MDS plot, in which populations of the Levant are interspersed among the South Arabian populations, with Qatar and Yemen segregating apart from both UAE and Oman. - Cadenas et al. (2007)
Luis et al. (2004) posted an internal variance of  .41 for the Egyptian sample vs. the just .05 internal variance for the Omani sample, as it pertains to the E3b1c-M123 clade. Likewise, the internal variation of Egyptian J clades—J-12f2(xJ2-M172) and J*-12f2(xJ2-M172)—was .45 and .31 respectively, while those reported for the Omani sample were .40 and .27 respectively. There is apparently greater disparity between the reported values for the two samples in the case of the E-M123 marker than the J clades, but the common element here is the relative greater internal variation in the Egyptian sample vs. the Omani. On the other hand, Cadenas et al. (2007) report the following internal variance values for the following groups respectively: For UAE the value was .25 [E3b1c-M123] and .15 [ J1-M267], while for Yemeni, the values were .14 [E3b1c-M123] and .20 [J1-M267]. Qatar did not report for any E3b1c clades, but did have a value of .14 for J1-M267. The level of diversity demonstrated above in eastern African examples of E3b1c-M123 and J1-M267 markers, including those from Ethiopia, is inconsistent with a south Arabian origin. 

The plausible scenario for introduction of hg J1 clades in Ethiopian populations is more likely one wherein the J1 clades arrived early in the continent, whether due to in situ origin or back-migration, and was picked up by the ancestors of contemporary Semitic speaking groups of Ethiopia somewhere in the Sahara, noticeably more northward than their current habitat. However, even if one were to entertain a back-migration scenario as the causal factor for all African J1 clades for arguments sake, it appears to have arrived when the clades were in their very early stages of diversification, hence the abundance of paraphyletic clades, as discussed elsewhere here [link].

If the spread of the Neolithic farming subsistence played any role in all of this, then one would have to contend that it likely did not accompany some massive movement of people from the so-called "Near East", but rather, small scale migrations likely induced by increasing social organizations in both the so-called "Near East" and the Sahara, paving way to the opening of early and perhaps modest trade routes. This may have primarily involved fauna and possibly flora in the Neolithic context, between populations in each area with a view to liven up their preexisting stock with more choices or variety [with 'exotic' goods]. As such, would-be migrants who decided to settle in a new homeland, simply integrated into preexisting Saharan communities, and thereby not shifting the traditions of host communities in any considerable way.

We've already gone through the lack of immediacy between the so-called "Near Eastern" Neolithic farming "revolution" of economy therein, which is significant, considering that "Near Easterners" are right next door to the northeastern corner of Africa—one would expect entry into the Nile Valley through the Sinai corridor to have been more immediately accessible than many of the areas in mainland Europe, and hence, serve as one of the earliest entry points of demic-diffusion accompanying the spread of a tradition largely of a farming subsistence economy; several researchers claim that archaeological indicators suggest that large farming in northeastern Africa came in more or less about the same time as its spread into some areas in northern Europe, between ca. 8ky to 6ky ago or so, which makes it either on par and/or even later than certain southern areas of Europe. Yet, conversely, cattle domestication is said to have likely arrived before or about the same time as that in the so-called "Near East".

These developments don't square with massive intrusion of migrants into an area, thereby considerably shifting traditions in the destination point. It is against this backdrop that no considerable language shifts would have taken place either, which makes more sense in the Ethiopian context, considering the lack of tracing of "Near Eastern Neolithic-derived" terms in Ethio-Semitic languages. Now of course, the alternative to all this, is that hg J1 could have originated in the Sahara near the northeastern end of the African continent, and it certainly cannot be ruled out in the final analysis—just as the aforementioned matter of great internal diversity and paraphyletic clades demonstrate, but this is a matter that understandably doesn't sit well with many "westerners", just as the fact that E3b1a-M78 could be considered African ancestry [which if any, is usually begrudgingly accepted as African, preferably "northeast as opposed to sub-Saharan African"] and seeing as how both it and the J clade are widely acknowledged to be important markers of the diffusion of the so-called Neolithic farming subsistence into Europe.*

The argument revolving around the "Semitic" language family carries very little weight in the big scheme of things; it appears to be one that Lancaster heavily relies on. The Semitic language branch is after all, merely an offshoot of a language family that originated and spent the bulk of its evolution in Africa before spilling over to nearby territories.

Ethiopia has a distinction of being the most concentrated area for a fairly wide variety of a Semitic branch, which in this case, is what's deemed within "Western" academic circles as the south Semitic branch. When pressed on any justification for ruling out a possible direct African origin for the Semitic subphylum, Lancaster offered no specific or substantive explanation, other than to simply generalize that certain segments of "Western" academia profess a "Near Eastern" origin for the Semitic offshoot of the African language superphylum.

It is of note, that for all such speculation that Lancaster takes for granted as gospel truth, not one of these proponents have effectively demonstrated how [lexically and grammatically] and in what specific time frames Ethio-Semitic branch purportedly derived from the South Arabian branch. Sure, there are deemed to be some similarities here and there, which should be expected, given the history of bidirectional contact across the Red Sea, but this is far from establishing the particulars just mentioned, regarding time and nature of a purported derivation. Time can for example, be extrapolated from key root terms, with the aid of archaeology and other disciplines like bio-anthropology; examples of the sort, include proclaimed "Neolithic" terms. None has been identified, in the case of connections between Ethio-Semitic and known South Arabian dialects. As matter of example,

Andrew Lancaster writes:

But Lionel Bender (1997), a leading expert on Ethiopian languages, proposed a scenario upon linguistic grounds wherein Semitic languages originated in Ethiopia and crossed the Red Sea. We can note that although this linguistic theory would be in line with these very particular and unsurprising genetic links between the Horn of Africa and the Southern Arabian Peninsula, it does not correspond to much else in genetics or archaeology, and there is no reason to invoke such a theory in order to explain genetic links between the Horn of Africa and nearby Southern Arabia.

While Lancaster in his own little way seeks to downplay Bender's take on the geographic origin of Semitic, which in his very own words was proposed "upon linguistic grounds", by way of thereafter making references to its misplaced impact or implications on molecular genetics and archaeology that no specific personality had made in the first place, he provides no answers to the requested linguistic particulars just discussed above. His need to invoke Bender here, is to presumably discourage potential usage of Bender's proposal for the very thing that he admits is the case:

We can note that although this linguistic theory would be in line with these very particular and unsurprising genetic links between the Horn of Africa and the Southern Arabian Peninsula.

His real concern here, is that Bender's findings may be seized upon as yet another line of evidence that can be used to buttress an "African" origin point for E-M34, and its subsequent spilling over to nearby territories, as opposed to vice versa. That said, Lancaster's line of defense for not being able to substantively explain the nature and time-line of the genesis of a "Near Eastern" origin for the Semitic subphylum, culminating in Ethio-Semitic in the African Horn, is that he is not a professional linguist and has to rely on others; any clear-headed individual can see right through it as a dismissive line of defense, because if one is bold enough to take sides, then one ought to know the particulars of the arguments they are siding with. When pressed on it, Lancaster was not even able to offer further explanation for the immediately obvious loose ends that Chris Ehret et al's (2009) recent paper seem to be suffering from. The paper in question was: Bayesian phylogenetic analysis of Semitic languages identifies an Early Bronze Age origin of Semitic in the Near East, which itself is a noticeable departure from Ehret's own past viewpoints on the genesis of Semitic. Change of viewpoints is of course not unusual in academia, but it has to be accompanied with a well-defined intellectual justification, that is clearly laid out before the audience. The abstract put forward for the just-now-mentioned paper goes like this:

Kitchen A, Ehret C, Assefa S, Mulligan CJ. Department of Anthropology, PO Box 103610, University of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32610-3610, USA.

The evolution of languages provides a unique opportunity to study human population history. The origin of Semitic and the nature of dispersals by Semitic-speaking populations are of great importance to our understanding of the ancient history of the Middle East and Horn of Africa. Semitic populations are associated with the oldest written languages and urban civilizations in the region, which gave rise to some of the world's first major religious and literary traditions. In this study, we employ Bayesian computational phylogenetic techniques recently developed in evolutionary biology to analyse Semitic lexical data by modelling language evolution and explicitly testing alternative hypotheses of Semitic history. We implement a relaxed linguistic clock to date language divergences and use epigraphic evidence for the sampling dates of extinct Semitic languages to calibrate the rate of language evolution. Our statistical tests of alternative Semitic histories support an initial divergence of Akkadian from ancestral Semitic over competing hypotheses (e.g. an African origin of Semitic). We estimate an Early Bronze Age origin for Semitic approximately 5750 years ago in the Levant, and further propose that contemporary Ethiosemitic languages of Africa reflect a single introduction of early Ethiosemitic from southern Arabia approximately 2800 years ago. - abstract ends -

Supposing one were entertaining the authors' proposal, the 800 BC or so date, or even if one were to extend this date to the beginning of the south Arabian influences coinciding with the emergence of the the D'mt complex, logically suggests that any already differentiated and fully developed south Arabian "Semitic" language that diffused into the African Horn would have been adopted as is, meaning—in the very shape or form the language was brought in and expected to be no different, especially in the era it was introduced. However, from archaeology, and citing personal notes posted elsewhere:

"The inscriptions dating from this period in Ethiopia are apparently written in two languages, pure Sabaean and another language with certain aspects found later in Ge`ez (Schneider 1976). All the royal inscriptions are in this second, presumably Ethiopian, language." - Stuart Munro-Hay

What does this imply? "Pure" as used here, suggests that although "Epigraphic South Arabian" alphabets were used to convey a message in two different languages [one for south Arabian administrative centers, and the other for the comprehension of the locals (aka "Ethiopian" people, i.e. Eritreans, Tigrinya or what have you)], one of the languages on the inscriptions was the south Arabian language that was brought in along with South Arabian immigrants, while the other was a local language aka a local "Ethiopian" language.

Though both languages were written in ESA alphabets, evidence above suggests that the "Ethiopic" language very likely had grammatical features that clearly distinguished it from its Sabean/south Arabian counterpart. The aforementioned citation of Munro-Hay should be instructive, once again:

"...and another language with certain aspects found **later** in Ge`ez (Schneider 1976).

Now, Ge'ez is considered to be Semitic, which therefore follows that this ancestral language was the proto-Semitic language of Ge'ez.

Also, the era suggested in the abstract implies that the Neolithic J carriers of the region [Ethiopia, presumably migrants originally from South Arabia] didn't already speak some form of proto-Semitic or Semitic, but rather, that this only came into being around the time of the D'mt complex, give or take.

Now of course, the authors of the study at hand could attempt to move their dates and make it coincidental with these Neolithic era groups, but they would have to come up with a good deal of "south-Arabian" imported Neolithic root terms for the Ethio-Semitic branch, which hasn't been produced to date, that comes to attention, especially given that the Neolithic in the African Horn has been more linked to those of the Nile Valley in the Sudanese region, in terms of influences, than those in the Levant or south Arabia as sources of inspiration.

Furthermore, we are told:

"another language with certain aspects found later in Ge`ez (Schneider 1976). All the royal inscriptions are in this second, presumably Ethiopian, language." - Stuart Munro-Hay

The emphasized bit goes right back to the following, as already stated herein:

[One for south Arabian administrative centers, and the other for the comprehension of the locals (aka "Ethiopian" people, i.e. Eritreans, Tigrinya or what have you)], one of the languages on the inscriptions was the south Arabian language that was brought in along with South Arabian immigrants, while the other was a local language aka a local "Ethiopian" language.

If an observer takes issue with assigning "African origin" to E-M34 even as he/she professes to concede to an "Egyptian origin", then they are most surely suffering from the same psychologically-seated self-contradictions as Mr. Lancaster. It found expression in his debate etiquette, which visibly devolved for the worse, bordering juvenile at times as he sought to threw in off-topic distractions and playing the role of multiple personalities—doubling as a regular poster under his regular or actual name, and suspiciously, as "a moderator" with a pseudonym who only appears when the heat is being turned on Lancaster, as his viewpoint is put through its paces. It is not that Lancaster does not see a very compelling argument for E-M34 as essentially an African marker or lineage, it is just that he stigmatizes "Africa" and turns anything rightfully associated with it into something offensive [to him]. Presents a dilemma? Far from it; an African origin of E-M34 is more than compelling!

As regularly advised on this site, lookout for future updates.
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References*

— As noted in the body of the passages above.

— The passage placed in between two ' * ' signs was borrowed from a later posting [link] than the present one, because of its relevance to the discussion at hand.

—Semino et al. (2004), Origin, diffusion, and differentiation of Y-chromosome haplogroups E and J: inferences on the neolithization of Europe and later migratory events in the Mediterranean area.

—Cruciani et al. (2004), Phylogeographic Analysis of Haplogroup E3b (E-M215) Y Chromosomes Reveals Multiple Migratory Events Within and Out Of Africa.

—J.R. Luis et al. (2004), The Levant versus the Horn of Africa: Evidence for Bidirectional Corridors of Human Migrations.

—Cadenas et al. (2007), Y-chromosome diversity characterizes the Gulf of Oman.

—*Personal notes taken from notes dated to 2009 and 2010.