Showing posts with label U6. Show all posts
Showing posts with label U6. Show all posts

Wednesday, May 15, 2013

What Ethiopian Genetic Diversity—Really—Reveals!

Introduction:

 
Image Caption: A rendition of an Ethiopian male, featuring what can be considered an average look among the major Cushitic and Semitic speaking populations of Ethiopia. Click on the image to expand!

A recent publication by Pagani & co. (2012), under the heading "Ethiopian Genetic Diversity Reveals Linguistic Stratification and Complex Influences on the Ethiopian Gene Pool", revisits the recurring issue of Ethiopian DNA profiles. In fact, one of the participants of this research, Toomas Kivisild in particular, was one of the authors of one of the last major studies on Ethiopian mtDNA, which was also a subject of blog posting on this site [see: Following Trails of the Cro-Magnon - I and Following Trails of the Cro-Magnon - II, for examples]. Some interesting findings surfaced in that study, as it relates to peculiarities about Ethiopian mtDNA gene pool; these same characteristics reappear in this latest study, as well shall notice in following segments of this entry.

As the authors start of their notes with laying out the goals of their research, they point out the supposed shortcomings of previous publications, particulary as it concerns Ethiopian DNA. In doing so, the authors lament on the supposed infrequency of DNA studies—involving African samples—that focus on Ethiopians in contrast to African samples from central and western Africa. This is right after the authors tell the reader that, because Ethiopia has proven to be relatively rich in human paleontological record, and in their words, "because of Ethiopia’s geographical position between Africa and Eurasia, its capital, Addis Ababa, is often used in genetic studies as a proxy embarkation point for modern human range expansions."

This smacks of double speak, when one considers that the subject of "human range expansions" figures quite a lot in population genetics research undertaken by 'western' research teams, and these seldom avoid including eastern Africa, the African Horn in particular, because its often implied rep of being a "cradle" to modern humanity. On top of this, Ethiopians have often served as "props" by Eurocentric ideologues, both in amateur and academic circles, to effect some ideologically-expedient wedge or another between continental Africans, whereby they feel at liberty to isolate what they either presume to be the source of "their kind" (Europeans) from the "others", who are generally lumped together and dismissed as being "inferior" and/or "undesirable", or use the target group—like Ethiopians—to explain away, and importantly, diminish natural African diversity as that made possible primarily because of foreign contribution.

Tuesday, April 16, 2013

Update on Investigation into the "Mysterious" EpiPaleolithic Maghrebi Remains!

Click on the image for a higher resolution

Introduction

This entry is supposed to serve as an update and add-on to a blog entry that was first published here back in May 5th, 2010, under the heading, An Investigation into the "Mysterious" Mesolithic Maghrebi populations. The arguments made there—in the main, are still quite sound, but over the years, some DNA-assignment shuffling within the reconstructed human mtDNA phylogenetic network had taken place. This sort of thing happens quite a bit in the field of molecular genetics, usually in the form of either changing the phylogenetic location of a newly identified clade or a preexisting one, and/or renaming entire clades with new naming schemes, since researchers tend to see information about larger phenomena in the form of fragments. As such, sometimes previous information (source material), especially on newly identified clades, becomes obscure or rarer. To address a situation such as this, in the few occasions where they may have occurred, this entry has revisited elements of the aforementioned entry, modify as necessary, or simply add to information previously posted. 

Wednesday, June 1, 2011

Review: Saudi Arabian Y-Chromosome diversity...relationship with nearby regions

It has become fashionable within elements of 'western' academia, to shift traditionally African-ascribed markers unit by unit to overseas origins, while very few are open to the possibilities that markers long taken for granted as "Eurasian" could actually be of direct African origin. The drivers for such moves can be a matter of trying to shift the Out Of Africa conception of human origins overseas, on a piece by piece and gradual basis, especially given preexisting scant substantiation to the contrary, or else a matter of not coming to terms with the prospect of recent African ancestry in "non-African" territories, which is determined to tarnish "racial purity" by racist cliques, and/or implicates Africansparticularly "black Africans"as agents of certain "important" sociocultural turning points or "technological breakthroughs" in human history. In this respect, as a common example among many, haplogroup Ethe predominant contemporary Y-DNA phylogeny on the African continent which has not only gained reputation for spilling over the boundaries of Africa in a substantial way, but also tied to "turning points" in human history, like say, the turn to a farming economy during the Neolithic erahas gained elevated interest over the years. This interest has accompanied the effort to shift the origins of the haplogroup from Africa to "Eurasia" via a "Middle Eastern origin" theory by certain parties. An earlier example of this, by Chandrasekar & co. (2007), had been discussed on this site; the example this time around comes from Abu-Amero et al. (2009), which will be the subject of review of this blog entry.

Thursday, November 26, 2009

Review: Population Relationships in the Mediterranean Revealed by Autosomal Genetic Data (Alu and Alu/STR Compound Systems)

Herein, aspects of a recent publication by E. González-Pérez et al. (2009) under the heading described above, will be revisited and examined respectively.

The abstract goes as follows:

González-Pérez et al.


Am J Phys Anthropol. 2009 Nov 16.

The variation of 18 Alu polymorphisms and 3 linked STRs was determined in 1,831 individuals from 15 Mediterranean populations to analyze the relationships between human groups in this geographical region and provide a complementary perspective to information from studies based on uniparental markers. Patterns of population diversity revealed by the two kinds of markers examined were different from one another, likely in relation to their different mutation rates. Therefore, while the Alu biallelic variation underlies general heterogeneity throughout the whole Mediterranean region, the combined use of Alu and STR points to a considerable genetic differentiation between the two Mediterranean shores, presumably strengthened by a considerable sub-Saharan African genetic contribution in North Africa (around 13% calculated from Alu markers). Gene flow analysis confirms the permeability of the Sahara to human passage along with the existence of trans-Mediterranean interchanges. Two specific Alu/STR combinations-CD4 110(-) and DM 107(-)-detected in all North African samples, the Iberian Peninsula, Greece, Turkey, and some Mediterranean islands suggest an ancient genetic background of current Mediterranean peoples. - abstract ends

A run down of the Alu markers and 3 Alu-linked STRs, is as follows:

18 autosomal Alu markers: CD4, TPA25, APO, ACE, Yb8NBC120, Yb8NBC125, B65, D1, FXIIIB, A25, PV92, HS2.43, Sb19.3, Sb19.12, HS4.32, HS4.69, DM, Ya5NBC221

Tandem Repeats linked to sites identified with specific Alu insertions or deletions designated by three designators: CD4+, DM+ and FXIIIB-. These reportedly represent the "ancestral" states of the sites in question, and the nature of said site-states are indicated by either the "+" or "-" symbols respectively.

Y-chromosome Alu insertion: The YAP+ Y-chromosome Alu insertion, fairly common in African populations, particularly in the form of Hg E, serves as an addition to the collection of Alu markers cited above.

Populations sampled:

Click on the image to get a better resolution.

The study opens with the following lines:
As far as the origin of human populations in the Mediterranean is concerned, it is commonly accepted that their roots can be traced back to the Upper Paleolithic with the expansion of human groups from the Near East or Central Asia, or some millennia later with the westward and northward spread of Neolithic populations from the Fertile Crescent. Although there is little doubt regarding the human entrance route to the Mediterranean, controversy appears when different studies try to determine to what extent their current genetic background preserves traces of Paleolithic people and in which degree the almost continuous cultural and political contacts have influenced present genetic affinities.
Indeed, the authors are correct in their assessment about controversy in terms of how different studies interpret their observations, with regards to the entrance or exit of certain lineages, particularly in relation to the time of event and how extensive. Their own opening assessment attests to this, recalling the bit about origins of "Mediterranean" populations being traced back to the so-called "Near East" or Central Asia. This implies that northern Africa was a barren region for a long period of time, where no autochthonous African population ventured, even as humanity spent the bulk of its socio-biological evolution exclusively on the continent until ca "50-60 ky ago era" when a subset of anatomically modern humans successfully left the African continent for refuge elsewhere. This begs the question: human beings in Africa did not see fit to populate the northern areas of the continent, yet non-Africans were supposedly the first to see fit to do so? As a matter of fact, Maghrebi paleontological record stretches back to as far as the Middle Paleolithic era, preceding anatomically modern human occupation outside of Africa.

The authors appear to have been influenced in their assessment by the likes of Olivieri et al. (2006), whose work has been a subject of discussion (clickable link) on this site, as it relates to the Upper Paleolithic demic diffusion episodes in the northern sections of the African continent, and by the likes of Arredi et al. (2004), as it relates to theories surrounding Neolithic demic diffusions in that same region. Apparently, the authors are working with outdated concepts in their assessment, as earlier theories about Upper Paleolithic northern African complexes [see for example, the so-called "Ibero-Maurusian"] being manned by people from outside of the continent, based on erroneous assumptions built around archaeological finds on lithic artifacts, have now been rectified and updated with research that link origins of certain Upper Paleolithic lithics-oriented innovations to northern Africa, which were subsequently diffused into neighboring extra-African territories. Other erroneous assumptions about the earliest Upper Paleolithic northern African anatomically modern populations coming from outside had been based on shabby and flimsy reliance on outdated bio-anthropological concepts built around cranio-morphometric examinations. A notable example that immediately comes to mind, is the idea of Mechtoid populations [see: Mechta and Afalou: Do they and the so-called "Mechtoids" constitute a type with the "Cro-Magnon"?] , who were almost considered to be synonymous with the Cro-Magnon of Europe. Outposts of lingering cult-like Eurocentric elements continue to rely on ideological concepts of the Cro-Magnon as some sort of embodiment of "Caucasoids" or "Caucasians", and even that, has been discredited by more recent and refined analysis of cranio-morphometric data [See: Brace et al. (2005) and Chris Stringer (click), for example]. Even earlier bio-anthropologists tacitly took note of differentiations between the African Mechtoid variants and those of the European Cro-Magnon, even as superficially-invoked links were being insinuated. The bottom line is that the authors' presumptuous assessment, that the theory of northern Africa being first populated by people from the so-called Near East is a "commonly accepted" understanding, has little basis to it, as no prevailing evidence backs up such a notion. It implies that this is an understanding that has harmonized the various scientific multidisciplinary applications at our disposal, when no evidence has been brought forth to suggest such status quo. It is certainly not the message harmoniously relayed by either genetics or paleontology, nor by Upper Paleolithic complexes, as just mentioned a few comments ago. Then by what, aside from wishful thinking? Notably, the authors' own data does not lend support to such thinking. On the other hand, the flaws of Olivieri et al.'s (2006) and Ana Gonzalez et al.'s (2007) Upper Paleolithic demic diffusion hypothesis have been touched upon on this site before. U6 is undoubtedly Upper Paleolithic by most accounts, but it makes up very little of the contemporary northern African gene pool, while major M1 expansions are mostly linked with spread of proto-Afrasan or Afrasan-affiliated speaking groups some time in the late Paleolithic and early Holocene Neolithic time frames. Again, Olivieri et al. (2006) are emphasized here, because the authors of the present study appear to be relying on them, with regards to so-called Near Eastern sourcing of Upper Paleolithic northern African populations; see for example:
Recent mitochondrial DNA data (Olivieri et al., 2006) suggest a common Levantine source for the Upper Paleolithic cultures that occupied the European (Aurignacian) and North African (Dabban) shores of the Mediterranean. A more recent origin for these populations associated with the demic diffusion of Middle Eastern groups in the Neolithic has been suggested by studies of Y-chromosome (Arredi et al., 2004) and autosomal data (Myles et al., 2005; Tomas et al., 2008).
The authors of the present study themselves reference research that contradicts the idea of either the Upper Paleolithic or Neolithic sourcing from the so-called Near East; see for example:
A detailed survey of the E-M78 Y-chromosome haplogroup (Cruciani et al., 2007) indicates the Northeast African origin of this variant and its involvement in trans-Mediterranean migrations from North Africa to Europe during the last 13,000 YBP.
The predominant paternal markers of coastal northwestern-central African markers are comprised of E-M78 and E-M35 markers. This being the case for the northern African populations that the authors sampled here, the fact serves as a major contradiction to the so-called Near Eastern sourcing of northern African populations, who have supposedly persisted into contemporary times, if we are to go by conclusions drawn by the authors of the present study. Yet, we are suppose to buy into some presumption of the Upper Paleolithic "Near Eastern" sourcing of northern African populations as some sort of a "commonly accepted" understanding or truth.

It should be reiterated, as explained before on this site, that contemporary Imazighen-groups , who predominate much of northern Africa today, don't have TMRCAs—deemed to be "characteristic" of Tamazight or "Berber" speaking populations—that date to the Upper Paleolithic. Yes, these lineages derive from lineages of Paleolithic provenance, but they themselves, don't—at least not according to patrilineal lineage. The E-M81 mutation of the E1b1b lineage—which is predominantly found in Imazighen populations—has at most, been implicated in expansions that only go back as far as 8 ky or so ago. This falls short of the ages associated with Upper Paleolithic/Epi-Paleolithic or earliest Holocene cranial specimens uncovered in coastal northwestern Africa. Furthermore, none of the cranial specimens tied to contemporary northern African populations remotely tie in with the Cro-Magnon specimens of Europe, as Brace et al. (2005) had found out; whereas we are pressed to believe in ties between the so-called Mechtoid variants and the European-based Cro-Magnon.

Furthermore, the authors note:
Similarly, specific Mediterranean haplogroups or clades (U6 and M1b in the mtDNA; EM78 and EM81 in the Y-chromosome) have also been described for these populations and dated in Paleolithic times.
Nothing in the above supports "Near Eastern" sourcing of northern African populations examined here. None of the above markers are known for being quintessential indications of "Near Eastern" ancestry, as opposed to African ancestry. Not even U6, whose "non-African" ancestor remains ever so elusive, is a marker of the so-called "Near East"; it is quite rare in that region and its presence there can only be spoken of, in terms of back-migration from northern Africa, even if it is assumed that a proto-U6 ancestor was "Near Eastern" in origin. None of the markers above are even confined to the "Mediterranean" regions, so as to justify the use of the moniker of "Mediterranean haplogroups or clades".

One issue that stands out like a sore thumb, is the comprehensiveness of the authors' so-called "sub-Saharan" collection; see:
In search of new insights into these questions, this study analyzes a relevant set of Mediterranean populations including eight European samples (from Spain, France, Greece, and Turkey), seven from North Africa (Morocco, Algeria, and Egypt), plus two samples from Central Europe (Germany) and sub-Saharan Africa (Ivory Coast) as external references.
Granted, the Ivory Coast sample is representative of sub-Saharan gene pool, but it only serves as a part of that gene pool, not the whole of it. It is highly questionable that this Ivory Coast sample will contain all that that is present in sub-Saharan Africa, as opposed to giving a snapshot of what is present in sub-Saharan Africa. Furthermore, what purpose does it serve, to ignore populations situated between Ivory Coast and those in the northern African territories sampled? Common sense intimates that such an undertaking will ensure more abrupt changes in DNA marker distribution trends; but then again, the authors could be gunning for just that. From their frame of thinking, such relative abrupt change in pattern could serve to sift out what they think could be representative of the autochthonous northern African patterns. After all, the authors reckon:
This pattern identifies Mediterranean populations as genetically separate from both sub-Saharans and Central Europeans and allows the identification of a certain genetic structure between the two shores of the Mediterranean region.
There is still a problem with that perception, because while genetic exchange is expected between coastal northern African and the more-inward African populations, their primary ancestry has been liked to northeastern Africa [the Sahel region or southern confines of eastern Sahara; in other words, the belt or areas that seem to have been neglected in the study] and ultimately sub-Saharan eastern Africa. Certain information is bound to escape the authors' observation, with such sampling choices. Let's examine the sampling particulars, visually:


Click on the image for better res.

It is highly questionable that the Ivory Coast sample will be representative of all that which is part of the southern Sahara or Sahel belts. It is any wonder the Siwa sample assumed an "outlier" position on the authors' admixture analysis mapping, even though the Siwa, like the rest of the northern African populations sampled, are largely Imazighen and also live on the coastal areas of northern Africa. The Siwa sample noticeably maintains a good deal of distance from the Ivory Coast sample as well, not withstanding observations that sub-Saharan gene flow appears to be most significant amongst them vs. the other northern African samples.


Click on the image for better res.

Image caption: Multidimensional scaling plot (stress 0.036) applied to the Reynolds’ genetic distance matrix based on 18 autosomal Alu markers.

This sampling choice might account for the seemingly discordant observations in the 18 Alu "admixture" estimations and that of the Alu-STR combination "admixture analysis". The authors note:
In this general view, it is worth noting the particular position of two populations (the Spanish Pas Valley and the Egyptian Siwa Berbers) (see Fig. 2). These two populations have previously been described as genetic outliers (Esteban et al., 2006; Moral et al., 2006; Coudray et al., 2009) due to the orography of the Pas Valley and the desert surrounding the Siwa Oasis. This isolation could explain their differentiation by the action of the genetic drift associated with episodes with low effective population size, which in the case of Siwa Oasis, could have enhanced the effect of sub-Saharan flow (51% from Alu/STR data) through the Nile River (Fakhry, 1973).
Assuming one went by the earlier theory of the so-called Near Eastern Upper Paleolithic origin for coastal northern African populations, shouldn't the basic genetic structure of these populations therefore be the same, even when the effects of genetic drift are accounted for? Not only does the Siwa sample cluster away from the lone sub-Saharan sample of Ivory Coast, but also considerably does so from the coastal north African bunch, just going off on the 18 autosomal Alu markers alone...
MDS representation of the genetic distances (see Fig. 2) based on autosomal Alu data stresses the main differentiation of sub-Saharans, the clustering of Mediterraneans in two different groups corresponding to northern and southern populations, and the distant position of the Egyptian Siwa and the Spanish Pas Valley samples from their corresponding population clusters. The Siwa oasis sample presents a relatively extreme position, with respect to the other populations. In fact, the first genetic boundary in the Mediterranean separates Siwa Berbers from all remaining groups.
For visual aid, we have the following:


Click on the image for better res.

Image caption: Fig. 3. Multidimensional scaling plot (stress 0.049) applied to the Reynolds’ genetic distance matrix based on three Alu/STR compound systems.

Furthermore, if "sub-Saharan" gene flow was able to reach the Siwa, then how could they be considered "isolated"? Certainly the desert areas in northern Africa have not "isolated" the other coastal northern African groups. "sub-Saharan" gene flow reportedly finds expression in many of the coastal northwestern African Imazighen populations sampled, as reaffirmed by the pattern seen in the Alu-STR clusters; however, we are told that in the Siwa sample's case, "sub-Saharan" gene flow is virtually negligible in Alu pattern alone. Yet, the same Siwa sample is supposed to be indicative of the highest "sub-Saharan" gene flow amongst the coastal northern African Imazighen groups, going by STRs linked to certain Alu sites.
As for individual populations, the sub-Saharan gene flow in North Africa based on the Alu data collection ranges between 6 and 17% (Table 3), except the Siwa Berbers where that influence was negligible. Admixture values based on Alu/STR combinations indicate that sub-Saharan flow in North Africa ranged from 16% (North East Moroccan Berbers) to 35% (remaining samples) with the exception of Siwa Berbers who showed the highest admixture value (51%).
How was the relatively lower "sub-Saharan" contribution able to find expression in Alu markers of the other coastal northern African populations, but the more significant "sub-Saharan gene flow"— as communicated in the Siwa Alu-STR combinations— almost not represented at all in the Siwa Alu markers alone? Are we to assume that genetic drift enhanced "sub-Saharan" STR patterns but minimally did the same for Alu markers? The authors attribute this phenomenon of their finds in the following manner:
The disparity between the results from Alu loci and Alu/STR haplotypes, apart from the potential effect of the different number of independent markers examined (18 vs. 3), could be related to different mutation rates and therefore the power to detect ancient or more recent demographic events. Similar disparities between these two kinds of markers were found in the admixture analysis (Table 3).
Now of course, only three types of autosomal Alu loci were selected for examination along with flanking STRs, which tells us little about change in mutation rates across the genome types used here, and to what extent STRs on the other locations are useful enough in determining gene flow, along with whether this is in line with the data provided by the three type of sites used here. Undoubtedly different mutations rates between STRs and Alu markers could be a factor at some level, but the pattern we see in the extent of "sub-Saharan" gene flow across the full range of markers used in this study, may be more explainable in the sense, that 1) if the Siwa sample sufficiently comprised of identical Alu markers on chromosomes that share their immediate TMRCA nodes with sub-Saharan counterparts, then it could be distributed in such a way that it would be hard to ascertain gene flow from "sub-Saharan" populations with any degree of precision, or 2) some differentiation in Alu allele representation and nucleotide manifestation could be the product of within-population mutational events of markers with a "sub-Saharan" background in the Siwa, possibly in an interplay with that "action of genetic drift" that the authors mentioned in a piece cited above and some level of external gene flow from neighboring non-African territories, or yet 3) if the basic genetic structure of the Siwa stemmed from a non-African source, but then got introduced to "sub-Saharan" gene flow in an ancient period, and the population had since then remained relatively isolated from such influences ("sub-Saharan"). Only here, in either scenario, some visible level of Alu allele similarities would have come to the surface within those samples that reportedly tested positive for said "gene flow".

The first scenario doesn't seem to be likely, based on the 18 Alu makers multidimensional plot, given the position the Siwa sample assumes. While the third scenario could be presumptuously insinuated from the 18 Alu markers plot, given the considerable distance between the Siwa and that lone sub-Saharan African sample from the Ivory Coast, not to mention the possible case of the relative narrower distancing from the European clusters when compared to the African counterparts, including the so-called "southern Mediterranean samples" (coastal northern African samples), it is doesn't seem likely either; why? One would have to assume that while the Siwa might have been introduced to "sub-Saharan gene flow" at some point in time, it would have likely been a very occasional affair, and/or a very ancient one in the ethnogenetic history of the population, because this gene flow would otherwise not be negligible from across just the 18 Alu markers standpoint, even if the Siwa were of a small effective-population size subjected to heightened "action of genetic drift", and would therefore find expression as it did, in the other coastal northern African samples and European counterparts. Furthermore, the problem with that assumption is that the Siwa would likely have assumed a position more extreme than that of the "northern Mediterranean" samples in the 18 Alu markers multidimensional plot, from the lone sub-Saharan sample of Ivory Coast. The reason for this, is that elements of the "northern Mediterranean" samples would have become continued recipients of "sub-Saharan gene flow" either directly from sub-Saharan emigrants, and/or indirectly through continued contact with the "southern Mediterranean" populations aka coastal northern Africans. So the inclination here, is to go with the second scenario, and here's why: If the range of Alu markers were one or several step derivatives of autochthonous African counterparts, developed within the Siwa population during its ethnogenesis, then naturally, these markers would stand in contrast to ancestral sub-Saharan counterparts. As such, one would expect some level of persistence in some areas of the genome type selected for this study, particularly given that the sites that were picked for STR analysis happen to be those under linkage disequilibrium, according to the authors. So, while subsequent "sub-Saharan gene flow" cannot be ruled out in this scenario, it need not be the sole explanatory factor for the sub-Saharan inclinations of Siwa Alu-STR combinations, i.e. if the Siwa were treated as group that has been socio-culturally isolated from other external groups for some reason or the other. Possible additional external gene flow from nearby "non-African" territories, again likely ancient, cannot be ruled out under this scenario, in which case, such element would only serve to further contrast the Siwa Alu distribution from the sub-Saharan counterpart examined here...
The Siwa oasis sample presents a relatively extreme position, with respect to the other populations.
Under this scenario (2nd scenario), one can see why the so-called "southern Mediterranean" samples would assume intermediary positions along both types of multi-dimentional plots provided by the authors. The polarity here likely stems from a mix of continued, and hence more recent gene flow from external populations both African and non-African, along with in situ autochthonous within-population evolutionary events in said "southern Mediterranean" populations. Either of these factors would ensure that their socio-cultural and geographic distance from the Siwa would contribute to the differentiations in general Alu marker genetic structure, while at same time clustering them away from European clusters and the lone sub-Saharan sample. See:
the clustering of Mediterraneans in two different groups corresponding to northern and southern populations, and the distant position of the Egyptian Siwa and the Spanish Pas Valley samples from their corresponding population clusters.
 Furthermore,...
This pattern identifies Mediterranean populations as genetically separate from both sub-Saharans and Central Europeans and allows the identification of a certain genetic structure between the two shores of the Mediterranean region. This genetic picture of populations may be related to geographic factors as indicated by the high correlation (P < 0.002) between geographic and genetic distances (based on Alu markers) found under the isolation by distance model. The genetic distinctiveness of Mediterranean populations, as well as the distinction between Northern and Southern Mediterraneans, coincides with results in previous studies (see for instance, Simoni et al., 1999; Comas et al., 2000; Boschet al., 2001).
Furthermore...
The estimates of sub-Saharan gene flow in Southern Mediterraneans oscillated between 12.9% (Alu loci) and 39.5% (Alu/STR haplotypes), a wide range probably related with the different mutational nature of the markers analyzed and with the effect of repeated homoplasic mutation in STRs.
One might expect the effect of genetic drift to pick up these elements in the Siwa as well, if one is to treat said "sub-Saharan" gene flow level as largely the product of action of random genetic drift in a population of small effective-population size.
The presence of sub-Saharan African traces in the gene pool of North Africans supports the idea of the permeability of the Sahara desert to human migrations as reported in other studies for different kinds of markers (see for example, Plaza et al., 2003; Arredi et al., 2004; Myles et al., 2005; Coudray et al., 2006).
In the above, the authors seem to have no problem in acknowledging the fact that a desert environment, of the Sahara, has not restricted or barred gene flow. This means that these groups are not isolated by the desert; so why couldn't the same logic be approached with regards to the Siwa? It may well be the case, that the Siwa have socio-culturally isolated themselves from other coastal northern African Imazighen groups on their own terms, not to mention the considerable distance between them and the other coastal northern African populations sampled, and has little to do with the desert environment. One will note that even as far as neighboring territories go, which here are apparently European territories bordering the Mediterranean sea, the territory that the Siwa are identified with is relatively more distant from the nearest such territory than those associated with the other coastal northern African populations, respective to their nearest neighbor, This could explain the differentiation in genetic structure and their relative "outlier" position. The authors add:
Interestingly, data from mtDNA and Y-chromosome estimates of sub-Saharan gene flow in North Africa are similar to that obtained from our Alu loci set, a value also concordant with that corresponding to Mozabites in the recent survey of Li et al. (2008) based on more than 500,000 SNPs. The interpretation of the disparity in gene flow estimates according to the kind of marker is difficult, but it might be presumably be related to the different mutation rates of Alu and STRs.
The need to confide in uniparental lineage is not obviously underestimated, but the authors allude once again to the unpredictability characterizing their choice of markers, autosomal markers in the form of Alu sites and flanking tandem repeats at certain designated sites. As we have seen in an earlier piece, the chiming in of homoplasic tendencies in STRs does not dampen this unpredictable character. Of course, since we are dealing with autosomal sites, the question of recombination cannot be avoided. We are assured here, at least with regards to the Alu-STR combinations, that these are perceived to be the types in linkage disequilibrium.
Alu/STR linkage disequilibrium was present in all systems and samples.
This is a sure sign of non-random associations here, which means that the odds against random reshuffling by recombination are high and hence, possibly of some selective pressure advantage of the Alu/STR association. This naturally factors further into that matter about "different mutation rates" and no less, contributes to the unpredictability character of the change in mutation rates in different parts of the genome.

Notwithstanding the lone sub-Saharan sample of Ivory Coast, upon revisiting the matter, one notices that it still managed to give a snapshot of the fact that non-African populations are just representative of a subset of African gene pool: 
When STR variation has been analyzed separately in Alu(+) and Alu(-) chromosomes, larger variances are observed in chromosomes carrying the ancestral Alu variant: CD4(+), FXIIIB(-), and DM(+). In humans, the ancestral stage of the CD4 and DM loci is the presence of the Alu insertion, whereas the absence of the insertion is the ancestral stage for the FXIIIB locus (Brook et al., 1992; Nishimura and Murray, 1992; Tishkoff et al., 1996 ). Alu/STR linkage disequilibrium was present in all systems and samples.
The most obvious pattern of haplotype variation is observed in the CD4 system. The ancestral CD4(+) chromosomes show a decreasing pattern of copy number variation from sub-Saharans to Southern and Northern Mediterraneans. Among these latter populations, the 85(+) and 110(+) haplotypes are the most frequent (Supporting Information Table 2). The derived CD4 Alu(-) chromosomes present a lower variation than the ancestral Alu(+) chromosomes, which is statistically significant for Northern Mediterraneans (P < 0.01) and Southern Mediterraneans (P < 0.05), but non-significant for the sub-Saharan sample. This reduction trend is considerable in Northern Mediterranean samples (gene diversity: 0.174 for derived chromosomes vs. 0.554 for ancestral ones), moderate in Southern Mediterraneans (0.458 vs. 0.705), and less marked in sub-Saharans (0.721 vs. 0.778).
The ancestral markers are disproportionately higher in "sub-Saharans", which in this case as we know, is based on that lone sample from the Ivory Coast, and then, they are moderately represented in "southern Mediterraneans", which would be our coastal north African samples here, and least represented of all the groups herein, in the "northern Mediterranean" samples, which here would be the southern European samples. Respectively, greater nucleotide variation is found in "sub-Saharans", as characteristic of the ancestral markers, moderate diversity in coastal northern African, and least diversity in Europe. This seems to find some expression in the general positions assumed by the samples in the plots respective to each marker-format type; in each case, the northern African groups appear to be in the intermediary positions between the African samples in the extremes and the European ones on the other hand. Along the x coordinates of the multidimensional scaling plots provided to us by the authors of the present study, the Ivory Coast sample consistently attains the most extreme position on one end. Please refer back to the plots or maps provided earlier in the body of this post.

Of the derived examples of the Alu-STR clusters, the distributions patterns found in the present study suggest possible "southern Mediterranean" or coastal Northern African origins (or at least, populations ancestral to them) for the following types: CD4 110(-) and DM 107(-)
The highest frequencies of CD4 110(-) and DM 107(-) have been found in the High Atlas region (7 and 5.5%, respectively) of Morocco, reaching polymorphic frequencies in all the North African samples [barring the Mozabites for the CD4 110(-) combination]. They have also been found in the Iberian Peninsula, scattered along the northern Mediterranean shore to Greece and Turkey, and on the main islands of the western Mediterranean (Majorca, Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily; González-Pérez et al., 2007). The CD4 110(-) haplotype (Flores et al., 2000) and has also been reported in West Saharans and Mauritanians on five of the seven Canary Islands (Flores et al., 2001), as well as in Adygei from the Northern Caucasus (Tishkoff et al., 1996). Assuming from their frequency distribution that the place of origin of these particular haplotypes is located in the westernmost extreme of North Africa (Fig. 4A,B), their current ample distribution along both shores of the Mediterranean most likely reflects the effect of gene flow across the region since ancient times, even though specific ages cannot be accurately estimated with our data. Similarly, specific Mediterranean haplogroups or clades (U6 and M1b in the mtDNA; EM78 and EM81 in the Y-chromosome) have also been described for these populations and dated in Paleolithic times.
Last but not least, in keeping with pointing out the recurring theme of the lingering onto outdated or outmoded and subjective concepts by the authors of the present study, the following serves as further example:
Concerning Northern Mediterraneans, the gene flow from sub-Saharan Africa was inappreciable for Alu markers and swung from 6 to 15% for the Alu/STR haplotypes data calculations. When gene flow in Northern Mediterraneans was tested, taking Central Europe and Southern Mediterraneans as parental populations, the results were statistically inconsistent, indicating the limited power of our markers to discriminate gene flow within Caucasoid populations. Nonetheless, the distributions of frequencies for the Mediterranean haplotypes CD4 110(-) and DM 107(-) (Fig. 4A,B) are suggestive of gene flow processes across this geographical region.
Such recurring themes throughout different parts of the study do not bode well for the authors at hand.

*Keep an eye on possible future updates.
___________________________________________________________________
*References:

— As already cited in the body of the post.

Wednesday, January 14, 2009

Unwinding the Convoluted Character of the Emergence of Imazighen Groups

The sequence of events involved in the genesis of the diversity that we see today in Imazighen groups is something that not only generates a considerable degree of interest, but also one that continues to challenge even the experts who've spent a good deal of their time in unwinding the archaeological, cultural and biological developments that accompanied the development of the Imazighen.

Amongst the Imazighen, perhaps the tawny-hued coastal northwestern groups draw in the most curiousity, in terms of their seemingly asymmetric sourcing of their gene pool—comprising of Y DNA, predominantly made up of autochthonous African markers, and mtDNA, in most cases made up of largely "Eurasian"-tagged markers—and the question of when they attained their apparent tawny or "light-skin" epidermal phenotype, in a continent dominated largely by 'dark skin' [of varying degrees] autochthonous groups. All sorts of rounds of rationalizing and speculation have taken place over the years, in efforts to explain what appears to be an anomaly of some sort to some, from tying contemporary Imazighens to the so-called Mecthoid (or supposed "Cro-Magnoid") types of the EpiPaleolithic and Neolithic era to being outright descendents of the likes of Vandals, Arabs or "Near Easterners", as opposed to being descendents of autochthonous Africans with genetic influence from groups that spent their evolutionary history outside of mainland Africa. None of these of course, have born out to be based on facts consistent with evidence. To take the "Mechtoid" example for instance, attempts had been taken by Eurocentric scholars to suggest that these were the ancestors of contemporary coastal northwest African Imazighen populations, by arguing for their supposed "caucasoid" cranio-facial phenotype, the supposed morphological link with the European Cro-Magnon specimens, and by typifying them as "Mediterranean caucasiod" types [See: Mechta and Afalou: Do they and the so-called "Mechtoids" constitute a type with the "Cro-Magnon"? and Mechta-Afalou and the so-called Mechtoids: Continued!]

At least one study states this: 

the most ancient, i.e. those from Taforalt in Morocco, Afalou-bou-Rhummel in Algeria and Singa in the Sudan, cannot be considered as being either Negro or San, whereas the later Jebel Sahaba sample (c. 12000 B.P.), the Wadi Halfa (c. 11950 - 6400 B.P.) and the Mechta-el-Arbi individuals (c. 8500 B.P.) and the Jebel Moya sample (c. 2950 - 2350 B.P.) are not significantly removed from the Negro populations. - Santiago Genovés

Bearing in mind those ages provided in that extract above, it should be noted that from DNA analysis, it has been implied that the Imazighen ("Berbers") ancestor emerged ca. 8.2 kya or so [Arredi et al. 2004] in northeast Africa; given this, the northwest African samples here [the Taforalt, Afalou-bou-Rhummel, and the Mechta-el-Arbi] are all too old to be associated with the contemporary Imazighen. The age given to the Mechta-el-Arbi specimens is the only one that comes close to any age associated with contemporary Imazighen speakers; but even here, it is questionable, given that Imazighen expansion in northwest Africa is dated even more recently than the upper end 8 kya time frame—that expansion dates to ca. 2.3 kya or so. The point is, although some find it tempting to associate the contemporary Imazighen with these EpiPaleolithic and Neolithic era northwest African specimens, available data suggest otherwise.

Speaking of DNA, skin pigmentation analysis suggest that "west Eurasian" contribution likely explains the coastal northwest African 'outlier' skin tones; granted, it is quite highly likely that coastal northwest African Imazighen would have still undergone *some* level of skin tone lightening, even if they weren't influenced by "west Eurasians", as they moved to the sub-tropical areas, especially in the Atlas mountain areas. This skin lightening event though, would have likely produced—at most—the level of skin tones seen in the likes of the San "Bushmen" and the KhoiSans. The UV radiation levels in the supra-tropical and sub-tropical regions of Africa are simply not as acute as those found in the even more northerly latitudes of Europe, Asia and elsewhere. Recalling on Norton et al (clickable), we have... 

"The frequency of the SLC24A5 111*A allele outside of Europe is largely accounted for by high frequencies in geographically proximate populations in northern Africa, the Middle East, and Pakistan (ranging from 62% to 100%)."

"The relatively high frequencies of the derived allele in Central Asian, Middle Eastern, and North Africa seem likely to be due to gene flow with European populations."

Which also doesn't rule out the probability of North Africans receiving some of their skin tone variations from so-called "Middle Easterners" as well.

Citing Rando et al. 1998 [mtDNA analysis of Northwest African populations reveals genetic exchanges with European, Near Eastern and sub-Saharan populations] along the way,...

Here is a theory: Shortly after their emergence ca. 8 ky ago or so, nomadic pastoralist Imazighen groups dispersed from where they emerged in eastern Sahara, likely in the region straddling Egypt and Sudan, and moved northward [and also possibly westward in the Sahara]. Here, they would come into contact with arriving Neolithic groups from the so-called Near East, who would have also included E-M78* carriers [along with Hg J carriers], which made its way to the “Near East” at an earlier time frame. Being nomadic, these E-M78* and E-M81 Imazighen carriers would have likely been male-biased; however, their dispersal may have included notably Hg M1 carriers from their point of origin, amongst other common L type mtDNA lineages common in north Africa. The incoming Hg J and returning Hg E carriers would have been accommodated by “Eurasian” tagged mtDNA markers that are generally common to Europeans and “Near Easterners”, along with those more commonly found in the “Near East”. These would have presumably included some, if not somewhat limited, European mtDNA markers radiated from Last Glacial Maximum refugium centers in the so-called Near East, likely radiated from the likes of Anatolia. The following might prove to be insightful, notwithstanding outdated constructs that the authors apply in the course of their analysis... 

A great number of the 99 L3E sequences in our sample from the Berbers and other Moroccans, West-Saharans, and Mauritanians seem to be of European descent in view of the numerous matches (more than one fourth) with European but not Near Eastern sequences. The average transitional distance to the nearest neighbours in the European/Near Eastern mtDNA pool is as low as .4, which would correspond to an age of 8000 years. The same figure is also obtained for the L3 sequences from the Algerian Berbers (Corte-Real et al. 1996)...

Some further Near Eastern mtDNA lineages, more similar to extant European lineages, might have come along from the Near East with the (or some) ancestors of the Iberomaurusians, but the bulk of them probably arrived in North Africa with the posterior Mesolithic and Neolithic waves. There is thus a caveat with the European appearance of North African mtDNAs: the same lineage types that came from the Near East and dispersed along the southern Mediterranean littoral around the Last Glacial Maximum (possibly spreading the Gravettian cultures) or after the Younger Dryas (bringing the Neolithic) may also have taken the northern route along the Mediterranean sea. It is therefore difficult to establish at present a clear cut between European and Near Eastern mitochondrial lineages. Nevertheless, there is strong evidence for some European genetic input into North Africa, as for example testified by Haplogroups U5 (Richards et al. 1998) and V (Vandals, Portuguese and Spanish colonization).

The Neolithic hypothesis above seems like the more plausible scenario. And to exemplify the difficulty grappling researchers in unwinding the very complex history of the north African Imazighen,... 


In summary, the mitochondrial landscape of Northwest Africa appears to be quite complex, and cannot be studied in isolation from the European, Near Eastern or sub-Saharan mitochondrial background. Population affinity diagrams reflect essentially the north-south gradient, which is evident from cluster compositions, whereas sequence comparisons employing the mtDNA database reveal the traces in Northwest Africa of (1) Paleolithic settlement(s) before the Last Glacial Maximum, (2) Neolithic waves, and (3) migrations of northern Europeans (and possibly others, such as Phoenicians, Romans, Arabs, and Iberians) in historical times.

These multiregional influences may explain the partially conflicting interpretations of North African data, which emphasize indigenous development and European/West Asian affinity (Irish, 1197, 1998) and a clear relationship to Iberians in particular (Arnaiz-Villena et al. 1995) or disclaim specific relationships to Iberians (Comas et al. 1998) and significant (Neolithic) demic diffusion from the Near East (Barbujani et al. 1994; Bosch, et al. 1997). 


These same Neolithic groups would have found their way to southeast Europe and onto islands therein, like Crete. However, because the nomadic Imazighen groups now situated in the coastal areas of northeast Africa were male-biased and with small effective population size, their mixing with the females that came along the Neolithic groups would have given the appearance of substantial intermixing. However, these nomadic pastoralist Imazighen groups would have not been the type that would have allowed arriving Neolithic groups to dominate them. So, it would appear that instead, the Neolithic elements who intermixed with them, adopted the languages and other aspects of the nomadic Imazighen groups, while their Neolithic traditions continued to stay with them. Consequently, the nomadic Imazighen groups too would be influenced by those traditions, resulting in settlement moves amongst them, like those near the oasis on the western desert of the Nile Valley. This is where they’d have likely made initial efforts to settle before moving to the far western areas. By the bronze age Holocene period, it would appear that some coastal North Africans had spilled over to southeast European areas, with Crete being an example of that. Other Imazighen nomads spread through the length of the Sahara, likely mixing with other groups therein; and again, being male-biased, they would have picked up mtDNA gene pools of those other groups. This would explain the gradient that authors like Rando et al. observed: 

The mitochondrial data of the Northwest African populations (Berber from Morocco and Algeria, Moroccans, West-Saharans, Mauritanians, Tuareg) show a mosaic composition of mtDNA types, with a pronounced gradient of sub-Saharan lineages from north to south: at the one extreme, the Berbers from Morocco have a predominantly European (Iberian) affinity, while at the other extreme, the Tuareg are closely related to sub-Saharan West Africans as represented by several Senegalese groups in this study, whereas the West-Saharans and Mauritanians are somewhat intermediate. It is remarkable that the Tuareg bear little mitochondrial resemblance to the Berber populations, although they speak a Berber language

Hg U6 would have invariably been spread across the Sahara, with relative frequency peaks in the western end of it. At any rate, subsequent intrusions into north Africa, e.g. the likes of Phoenicians, the Greco-Romans or the Vandals, would have likely left a rather limited genetic imprint only in centers of foreign administration. It is quite plausible that much of the European-specific maternal lineages came around the historic periods after those epochs, as perhaps best indicated in one of the extracts above, when the author said: "(3) migrations of northern Europeans (and possibly others, such as Phoenicians, Romans, Arabs, and Iberians) in historical times." On the other hand, when the authors said, "sequence comparisons employing the mtDNA database reveal the traces in Northwest Africa of (1) Paleolithic settlement(s) before the Last Glacial Maximum", they were likely alluding to the likes of the autochthonous north African marker of U6, which at any rate, generally comprise a relatively smaller portion of the Imazighen mtDNA gene pool. It is not clear if much earlier contacts with the likes of Cretans would have contributed to Imazighen gene pool in a substantial way, but it’s certainly possible that some degree of genetic exchange with elements therein had resulted in a portion of mtDNA gene pool spilling into north Africa, perhaps by groups returning with African ancestry. Anyway, this could very well also have contributed to the frequency of seemingly European-specific mtDNA. Contact between Cretan inhabitants and north Africans have been spoken about on many occasions, and even implicated in images of antiquity, like the example below:


The characters with frizzy-looking hair—although with the resolution of the image above, it is rather difficult to ascertain—are said to be north Africans. Other images from the Minoans seem to invoke a considerably heterogenous or "mixed" people; the following are photographs of images on Minoan sarcophagi...


Sarcophagus portion #1:

 

Sarcophagus portion #1 blown up below:




 

Sarcophagus portion #2 blown up below:



In ancient Egyptian artwork:

In ancient Egyptian art, the first group to their western desert—in an area now dominated by Imazighen speaking populations—that *tentatively appears on their records from the predynastic era onwards, are the "Tjehenu/Tehenu"; these people were generally painted in dark hue as the Egyptians themselves were. In the old Dynastic era, one comes across another group of people in the western desert area of the Nile Valley; they were presumably referred to as the "Tjamahu/Tamahu". These latter group of people were generally depicted in the light-skin tone, in a manner not different from the Aamu, generally known by many as "Asiatics". The "Tehenu" were presumably located in the coastal areas on the western desert region, while the "Tamahou" were presumably located in the more southward areas of the western desert. The latter were generally depicted sporting interesting body tattoos, and feather head gear. There are also other groups attested to in the western desert areas; namely the "Meshwesh/Mashawash" and the "Libu/Lebu (Ribu/Rebu)", notably mentioned in the New Kingdom era [see Merneptah stele for example], in the Rameside period. Any group here or any combination of these groups may have been ancestors of the contemporary north African Imazighen. Below, is a repro of a wall relief depicting what appears to be a "Meshwesh" figure under captive, and other figures from the western desert areas, possibly the "Tjamahu" (Tamahu/Tamahou)...


 

A curious feature though about the Minoan art, is the seeming consistent [though not necessarily exclusively] depictions of the male figures in dark hue, with some being even in plain black tone; this seems to be the case in the ancient Egyptian example below, and the Minoan painted counterpart underneath that...





Below, is an occasion showing individuals in plain black hue...


Relaxing on visual aids, and resuming our theory at hand...


With substantial gene flow from European maternal gene pool in the historic period, it’s likely that some of the older Eurasian mtDNA markers may have experienced unfavorable genetic drift, lowering their relative frequency. Likewise, genetic drift may have worked favorably for the more historic European markers from the Iberian peninsula. Though not exclusively, the following examples of historic events must have surely had their own role to play, in contributing to coastal northwest African gene pool,...
 
Trafficking of women from the other side of the Mediterranean sea as slaves surely must have left its own mark. Then there were also sudden waves of migration to the north African coast during the fall of direct northwest African rule in the Iberian peninsula; no doubt families who reached the north African coast had left some genetic imprint therein. And of course, again, genetic drift has its own role to play in all this.


All that aside, a look at samplings so far undertaken in coastal northwest Africa suggests that these have generally relied on sampling small, scattered populations [see Cherni et al. 2005], giving fragmented or incomplete picture of northwest African maternal gene pool structure.
________________________________________________________________
*References:

— As noted in the paragraphs.

'*' corresponds to record that was/is taken into consideration with regards to the Tjehenu/Tehenu. For instance, the "Tehenu" Palette was subsequently discussed here: The So-called Tehenu Palette

Monday, September 15, 2008

How the term "Berber" stuck to modern day Amazighan speakers

Regardless of the ultimate origins of the term "Berber", it seems pretty clear that the term became particularly synonymous with contemporary Imazighen speakers from the Medieval era onwards, specifically during "Moorish" rule in Europe. And of course today, within the scholarly world of the so-called 'West', the application of this term is justified on the condition that it is strictly a linguistic construct for a Afrasan (Afro-Asiatic) subphylum of certain closely related languages. The term itself is never applied by Imazighen groups to refer to themselves, and so, in that sense, foreign to them. Imazighen groups generally refer to themselves as '- mazigh' in one dialect variant or another. There are several theories out there, as to how the term came to particularly designate Imazighen groups, as opposed to random groups of "strange" or "foreign" people, but the most plausible of these, is the Arab/Moorish connection in Europe. Let's examine...

To the ancient Greeks, the idea of strangers or foreigners wasn't limited to just northwest Africans; rather, it also covered 'strange' people in their own European backyard. Europeans to their north were generally seen as strange, if not uncultured, from the ancient Greek standpoint; their cultural manners were seen as peculiar and foreign to ancient Greeks, and so, they were referred to as 'barbary' (barbarians). Certainly, this term was applied to elements of northeast African populations in the Nile Valley as well; consider this piece on Achilles Tatius' thoughts for instance, with regards to late dynastic delta ancient Egyptians:

"All were huge, black-skinned [not the pure black of the Indians , more as you would imagine a half-caste Ethiopian], bare-headed, light of foot but broad of body. They were all speaking a barbarian language. " - Extracts presumably from Achilles Tatius: Leucippe and Clitophon

Tim Whitmarsh who translated the work and Helen Morales who gave a synopsis of the work, characterize the above description as a reference to some Nile Valley elements who were apparently seen as a nuisance to Greek interest, because we are told that the folks who were so-described [aka the "boukoli" bandits of the coastal areas of the Nile Valley], where one of those groups who were singled out by this sort of characterization, which amounts to an image of "unculturedness"; whereas...

All of the characters, weather they are natives of Phoenicia, Byzantium, Egypt, or Ephesus, speak in Greek, have Greek names, and demonstrate Greek paideis or culture. The exceptions are the boukoli, the bandits who ambush Leucippe and Clitophon. They are described as ''terrifying savages". - by Helen Morales (Introduction) and Tim Whitmarsh (Translator)

But Morales and Whitmarsh warn of any premature conclusions to be drawn from this "Greekifying" of things not actually Greek:

But to read Achille's description as a reflection of reality is grossly to underplay his rhetoric of demonization. The boukoli are caricatures , like other ethnocentric stereotypes of Egyptians elsewhere in the novel [eg at 4.4: ''Thus it is with an Egypt: in times of fear cowardice leads him to servility''] Geographic and description ethnographicreinforce this construction of the alterity of Egypt...

The description of the Egyptian clod of earth emphasizes its different and strangeness [3.13, and cf. the description of the Nile's duplicity at 4.12].

Despite Achillies' being a native of Alexandria, he perpetuates the ethnocentric stereotypes of Egypt familiar from many centuries' construction of Greek self-definition against the 'Barbarian'. - by Helen Morales (Introduction) and Tim Whitmarsh (Translator)

What does this say of the Greeks? The last bit about "Greek self-definition against the Barbarian" goes back to what the above authors reckon to be Greek arrogance of "reaffirmation of Hellenic superiority"; it serves to explain why the aforementioned point about "Greekifying" things not Greek where convenient or the opportunity to do so, was done so; to recap: All of the characters, weather they are natives of Phoenicia, Byzantium, Egypt, or Ephesus, speak in Greek, have Greek names, and demonstrate Greek paideis or culture. The exceptions are the boukoli, the bandits who ambush Leucippe and Clitophon. They are described as ''terrifying savages". - by Helen Morales (Introduction) and Tim Whitmarsh (Translator)

Perhaps might explain why Egyptian names were given Greek alternatives, like say Ausar for example, which is given the Greek alternative of "Osiris"; it might well tie into that theme of "reaffirmation of Hellenic superiority". All things great, even if not Greek, but has been brought into sphere of Greek interest, would have to be "Greekified" in some way or another. At any rate, the point here, was to show lack of restrictiveness to Greek application of "barbarian" to anyone or anything that was out of the norm from the Greek standpoint; it certainly wasn't restricted to coastal northwest African regions, and so, the idea of ancient Greeks being the source of this designation vis-a-vis northwest African Imazighen groups by sections of European scholars from the Medieval era onwards is a questionable one. The Roman application of such a term faired no differently.

Some sources suggest that the earliest north European examples of exclusive reference of "Berber" — that is, in that form as we know it, which is not exactly "Barbarian" as the Greek word itself, occur in French texts. The French word itself for anything strange or foreign is "étranger", and "babarian" — "barbare". Incidentally, Arabs in the Medieval era, during their endeavors in north Africa, exclusively called coastal northwest Africa, as opposed to the whole of coastal north Africa, as Bilad al Barbar ~ essentially meaning: Land of the Barbar/”Berber”. Could the Arab term have ultimately been attained from Indo-European infusion? Perhaps possible, but unless brought to immediate attention, no other north African region, save for the northwest region — which was also designated as Maghreb al Aksa by Arabs from the so-called Near East — has been so-designated as "Bilad al Barbar". Coincidentally, this is also the same region from where Arab and Moorish rule in southwest Europe would be launched. It would therefore seem that exclusivity of application of this with respect to Imazighen speakers by Europeans has its roots in Moorish-controlled southwest Europe, from wherein the alternative generic Arab geographical designation for the Maghreb diffused into European vocabulary. So, the term initially used as a generic geopolitical reference to people in coastal northwest Africa, the Africans then — in the Medieval era — best known to Europeans and were in relatively more regular contact with them, would evolve into a linguistic reference, which would tie coastal northwest Africans with other groups who spoke closely related languages.

As far as primary text attestations are concerned, Arabic-sources have been reliable; for example Ibn Khaldun, likely an Arabized Amazighan writer in Moorish-ruled southwest European era, born in Tunisia, wrote an auto-biography Ta’reef in Egypt, as part of his work in what he calls, Kitab al-’Ibar wa-Diwan al-Mubtada’ wa-l-Khabar fi Ayyam al-’Arab wal-’Ajam wal-Barbar wa man ‘asarahum min dhawi as-Sultan al-Akbar [courtesy of cis-ca.org]

We now revisit several interesting explanations of how the term "Berber" as a generic reference to Amazighan speakers came about...

From a "Non-Governmental Organization For the defense of the rights of the Amazigh" called ‘Tamazigha’, we are told:

North Africa, an Amazigh land


All the historians of North Africa attest that the country has been populated by the Amazighs (Berbers) since very ancient times. Ibn Khaldoun in his Histoire des Berbères, wrote concerning the country which is usually referred to as the Maghreb and which we call Tamazgha or country of Imazighen (= plural of Amazigh):

«Since ancient times, this race inhabited the Maghreb of which it populated plains, mountains, shores, cities and countryside (Ibn Khaldoun, Histoire des Berbères, Paris, Geuthner, 1999, p. 167).»

And relating to Tamazight, the language of the Amazighs:

«Their language is a foreign idiom, different from all idioms: the very reason the name Berber was given to them (Ibn Khaldoun, 1999, opus quoted p.168). »

Finally regarding the religions practiced in North Africa:

«Among them there were [tribes] which practiced the Jewish religion; others practiced the Christian one, and others pagan ones, and among the latter were sun, moon and idol worshipers. Having at their head kings and leaders, they carried out against the Muslims several very famous wars (Ibn Khaldoun, 1999, opus quoted, p. 177).»

Closer to us, in 1931, the anti-colonialist historian Charles-André Julien observed that:

«Today, it is generally unknown to the majority that Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia are populated by Berbers. These are boldly referred to as Arabs, all the while the natives often called themselves Amazigh (Tamazight for the feminine and Imazighen for the plural) which literally means "free people", or sometimes "noble people" and was used by several tribes as far back as before the Roman occupation. (C.-A. Julien, Histoire de l'Afrique du Nord, Paris, Payot, 1931, p. 2).»

Source: ‘Tamazigha’, A Non Governmental Organization For the defense of the rights of the Amazigh, in submission to the ‘Committee for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD)’ in 2003.

Explanation given in a Kabyle dedicated site by an author going by the name of D. Messaoudi:

For some people, the origin of the word “Berber” would be Greek; their argument rely on the fact that the Greeks called people who spoke a language other than Greek “the Barbarians”. For the Arabs, the above word would be borrowed from Arabic, since in this language there is the verb “Barbara” (to roar) and “Al-barbarah” (“roar” and by extension, incomprehensible language – the equivalent of “baragouin”, meaning gibberish, the name given to the Breton language by the French).

But, in my view, these hypotheses rely on no logic, because in that period, the Berbers were not the only ones with whom the Romans or the Arabs had contacts. Why therefore other people as the Copts, the Kurds, the Sudanese, the Iranians, the Basques, etc, who spoke languages completely different from Latin and Arabic, had not been called “barbarians / Berbers”?

This incites us to search the origin of the above-mentioned appellation elsewhere, and more precisely in Berber language itself.

Our research in different Amazigh dialects led to the discovery of a group of terms and expressions with which we can associate the term “Berber”:

* Iber-iber: nomad in Touareg

* Sberber: be covered with clouds, when speaking about the sky in Kabyle, or to protect somebody or something by covering it with one’s body.

* Sbur: to cover one’s head in Kabyle

* Ibeṛbaṛen: a village located in Mcheddala, Bouira

* Tizi-n-Beṛbeṛ: another village in Kabylia.

* bbeṛbeṛ: very wet, in Kabyle.

My first assumption is that the term “Berber” would be a distortion or perhaps an evolved form of the word attested in Touareg, i.e. “Iberiber”. We know that the Berbers were called “Imazighen”, but maybe the appellation “iberiber”, which became then “Berber”, indicated only a particular grouping of Berbers, as the Touareg which were always big nomads. It would be then the Northern Berbers that would have created this nickname to indicate the Saharan, and the foreigners generalized it then to all Berbers.

My second assumption is that the term “Berber” would have a lexical relation with the words “sbur” and “Sberber”, which are both created on the basis of the same root: “BR”. In fact, if we refer to the dress habits of the North Africans, we will realize that the Berbers, since immemorial time, prefer broad clothings which cover them completely: Kabyle abernus, Shleuh tajellabit, Targui tagelmust, etc., are some examples. Even the Berber women wear long tiqendiar and timhermin or else asburru to protect their heads. It would be therefore the reason for which the Berbers were called, besides Imazighen, “Iberbaren”, which became then “Berber” in foreign languages.

Last but not least, explanation given by Richard L. Smith of the Ferrum College:

Moving beyond race, language—one of the defining characteristics in the modern concept of ethnicity—is rarely mentioned by classical or Arab authors except to note that their subjects spoke some form of gibberish. This began with Herodotus's offhand remark about the Ethiopian troglodytes: "The language they speak is completely different from any other language, and sounds like bats squeaking,"43 and continues through the sixth-century poet Corippus, who, in referring to Berber tribes, notes that their "barbaric languages bark in savage terms."44 Authors don't usually distinguish gibberishes from each other, nor do they state categorically that language was a major criterion for dividing the peoples of North Africa. Perhaps, however, we should assume this. Tacitus, who falls into the Sallust school in his discussion of North Africa but whose study of the German tribes is unsurpassed in classical ethnography, does refer to the importance of language in his review of peoples to the north of the Roman Empire.45 In other regions of Africa, including nearby West Africa, language has often served as an insignia of ethnicity.

Ibn Khaldun does distinguish the Berbers from the Arabs and other peoples by their language. According to him, the Arabs gave the Berbers their name, the origin of which meant something like gibberish: "The word berbera signifies, in Arabic, a jumble of unintelligible cries; from which one says in speaking of the lion that it berbère when it utters confused roars."46 *


[46 * - “ Histoire I:168. In another place, Ibn Khaldun offers an alternate if similar explanation. According to this, a Yemenite king named Afriqus b. Qays b. Sayfi, who lived at the time of Moses, often raided North Africa and killed many Berbers: "He gave them the name of Berbers when he heard their jargon and asked what that barbarah was." Ibn Khaldun, The Muqaddimah: An Introduction to History, trans. Franz Rosenthal, ed. N. J. Dawood (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1967), p. 14.” - Richard L. Smith]

Richard goes onto say:

The unintelligible cries were the many local dialects Berber was divided into, by one modern count an astounding twelve hundred, although the situation at the time of Ibn Khaldun can only be guessed. And while Berber languages show relatively little internal differentiation in comparison to other branches of the Afro-Asiatic family, a detailed language map of Berber speakers would have the pattern of spilled vegetable soup.47* [47* - “For a background on the origin of Berber and its derivatives, see P. Behrens, "Wanderungsbewegungen und Sprache der früken saharanischen Viehzuchter," Sprache und Geschichte in Afrika 6 (1984–85): 135–216.” - Richard Smith]

In the past scholars have tried to get a handle on this so-called "language of dialects" by recognizing two or three dialect clusters—Zanatiya, Sanhaja, and sometimes Masmuda (which, when not recognized as separate, is joined with Sanhaja)—based on phonetic and morphological variations and location. Zanata, Sanhaja, and Masmuda are not terms used in the writings of the ancients but do appear, full-blown, with Arab authors who draw a clear distinction between them. The Masmuda were concentrated in the High Atlas and surrounding areas while in the rest of North Africa the Zanata (those who speak Zanatiya) were more common in the north and east and the Sanhaja in the south and west. The word "Sanhaja" means those who speak Zenaga (Znaga), the major dialect of the western desert. - Richard L. Smith

Then there are legends of ‘Berber’ ancestry, one of which as already very briefly mentioned, is traced back to a personality(s) by the name of “Berr”:

According to the Arabian genealogies, all Berbers are descended from two men: Berr ibn Branes and Berr ibn Botr.79 These two Berrs, although possessing the same name, were not related. From them are descended the great families of Berbers such as the Masmuda, Senhaja, and Zenata. Of all these great families the earliest to spread seems to have been the Masmuda or Ghomara branch. This was followed traditionally by the Senhaja, who today include such varied peoples as the Siwans on the borderlands of Egypt, the Tuareg of the Sahara, and the Braber of the Middle Atlas in Morocco. The third great expansion was that of the Zenata, who were known in Roman times in Cyrenaica, but who did not reach Algeria and Morocco until the Middle Ages. In the thirteenth century these Zenata finally invaded Spain, conquering Arabs and earlier Berbers. One may compare the expansions of the Berber families to those of Kelts, Germans, Slavs, etc. in Europe. - Courtesy of snpa.nordish.net

From the above, the present author can only imagine that the website is basing this on Arabic-speaking others cited in their reference, such as el Bekri and Ibn Khaldun

[More on these sort of legends, from Richard L Smiths analysis:

Unlike Herodotus, Ibn Abi Zar did recognize that his subjects lived in segmented societies,55 but the framework that he and other Arab writers imposed was genealogical rather than anthropological. Groups were defined as descendants of specific people, so exactly who the Berbers issued from was a much debated topic. The most popular starting place was the Holy Land, and first among the candidates was Goliath. After David killed Goliath, the Philistines, frequently confused with the Canaanites, were said to have left their homeland and migrated to North Africa, where they became the Berbers. Not everyone who wanted to keep the Berbers in the Old Testament was convinced of the Goliath connection. One of the most popular accounts goes back to Noah's children, Ham and Sem, among whom Satan was said to have sowed discord:

"Ham, having become black because of a curse pronounced against him by his father, fled to the Maghrib to hide in shame.... Berber, son of Kesloudjim [Casluhim], one of his descendants, left numerous posterity in the Maghrib."56* [56* - “Ibn Khaldun, [I]Histoire
I, 177–178. The Ham connection appears in al-Ya'qubi, Corpus, p. 21. The Goliath connection comes a little later in Ibn Hawqal, Corpus, p. 48. Much earlier, in the first century C.E., the Jewish historian Flavius Josephus claimed that the Gaetulians descended from Havilah, the son of Cush, grandson of Ham.” - Richard L. Smith]

Understandably, many of the Berbers did not want their family trees rooted in Goliath, Ham, or other Biblical ne'er-do-wells. Muslims all over the Islamic world often tried to establish ancestral connections with the Prophet's homeland, the Arabian peninsula, and the Berbers were no exception. A popular theory among them was that they were long-lost Yemenites.

Ibn Khaldun chronicled all the stories he could find concerning Berber origins and demolished each in turn. He characterized one story that featured an invasion by an ancient Yemenite king as an "example of silly statements by historians.
"57* [57* - “Ibn Khaldun, Muqaddimah, p. 14.” - Richard L. Smith] Nor did he mince words concerning another popular theory:

"The opinion which represents them as the children of Goliath or Amalecites, and which has them emigrate from Syria, willy-nilly, is so untenable that it merits classification as a fable."

But Ibn Khaldun proved more effective as a critic than in offering a viable alternative. In the end he, too, traced the Berbers back to Genesis:

"Now the real fact, the fact which dispenses with all hypothesis, is this: the Berbers are the children of Canaan, the son of Ham, son of Noah." Down this line came Berr who had two sons, Baranis and Madghis al-Abtar. All Berber tribes descended from one or the other of these brothers and were classified as either Baranes or Botr.
58* [58* - “Histoire I, 173–185. Also see R. W. Bulliet, "Botr et Beranes: Hypotheses sur l'histoire des Berbes," Annales Economies, Sociétés, Civilisations 36 (1981): 104–116.” - Richard L. Smith]

Continuing…

The Sanhaja were Baranes, and the Zanata were Botr. Further up the tree on the Baranes side were the Mulaththamun, who, according to al-Idrisi, descended from two eponyms, Sanhaj and Lamt. They lived in the Maghrib and were the sons of a mother named Tazakkat (Tizki), "the Lame." But Sanhaj and Lamt produced troublesome broods who tried to conquer the other Berbers and were finally driven into the desert, where they became nomads living in tents and surviving on the milk and meat of camels.59* [59* - “Corpus, p. 127.” - Richard L. Smith]

Arab-imposed, male-centered genealogy tells us more about contemporary Arab historiography than it does about Berber ethnography. This is not to dismiss the importance of perceived descent, which was matrilineal among most Berbers, particularly those of the desert. Etymological analysis seems to indicate that this tradition had its roots deep in the past: the words for brother and sister in proto-Berber, for example, are "son of my mother" and "daughter of my mother" respectively.60* [60* - “G. Marcy, "Les survivances juridiques de la parenté maternelle dans la coutume du Maroc Central," Actes du Congrès del'institut des Hautes Études Marocaines (Rabat, 1937), p. 33.” - Richard L. Smith]

The progenitor of Sanhaja and Tuareg alike was more often than not thought to be a woman, **Tin Hinan** of the Kel Ahaggar being the most well known. Whatever the real story behind the formation of a group like the Lamtuna, a large measure of their self-identity came from the commonly held belief that their eponymous ancestor was a woman named **Lamtuna**, and thus they were related "by blood" to each other.

More on legends, as cited by Richard:

One final aspect of Biblical-based genealogical history is worth noting: it did not start with the Arabs. About halfway through his work, Procopius suddenly announces that it is necessary to tell how the Maures came to Libya. He begins with Joshua and the Hebrews invading Palestine and thrashing everyone in sight. Several of the Canaanite tribes escaped by moving into Egypt, but finding it already crowded, continued on to Libya. Autochthonous people Procopius calls the "Children of the Soil" already lived there; Procopius does not say whether the Canaanites and the Children of the Soil fought or intermarried, only that the Canaanites became Maures.61* [67* - “.V. IV.10.12–24.” - Richard L. Smith] Procopius did not invent the tie between the peoples of North Africa and the Old Testament: for the Christians it goes back to St. Hippolyte in the early third century, but its origins can be seen even earlier in Flavius Josephus and Jewish tradition.62*[62* - “Yves Modéran, "Mythe et histoire aux derniers temps de l'Afrique antique: À propos d'un texte d'Ibn Khaldun," Review Historique CCCIII 2 (Avril–Juin 2001): 327–337.” - Richard Smith] However, Procopius's story does establish a link between portals two and three. It is one of the few strands of continuity, even though it concerns a perceived rather than a real relationship, which brings us back to our original problem: Why does there appear to be such a level of discontinuity?

Richard adds…

The almost complete break in nomenclature between the classical and Arab periods has to raise a few eyebrows. The names we use today come from the sources available to us. Some names originated with the people themselves, as in the case of the Mauri, at least according to Strabo.63* [63* - “Geography XVII.3.2. Later the transliteration became "Moors."“ - Richard L. Smith] Others came from neighbors, and some that ended up in Greek and Roman references were simply botched transliterations.64* [64* - “In the opening paragraph of his discussion on Libya, Pliny complains, "The names of its peoples and towns are absolutely unpronounceable except by the natives," N.H. V.1. See Gustave Mercier, "La langue libyenne et la toponymie antique de l'Afrique du Nord," Journal Asiatique 105 (1924): 189–320.” - Richard L. Smith] Authors confused names probably more often than we suspect. In his tour of the middle of the desert, Pliny notes that "the Blemmyae are reported to have no heads, their mouth and eyes being attached to their chests."65* [65* - “N.H. V.8.46.” - Richard L. Smith] Strabo and others describe a real people they referred to as the Blemmyae, who were nomads living below Egypt. Pliny's Blemmyae, minus the name, were borrowed from Herodotus's discussion of western Libya beyond the cultivated area: "There are enormous snakes there ... donkeys with horns, dog-headed creatures, headless creatures with eyes in their chests (at least, that is what the Libyans say), wild men and wild women...."66* [66* - }Geography VIII.7; 135; Histories IV.191.” - Richard L. Smith] Still others were made up by the Greeks and Romans. Diodorus Siculus provides some egregious examples in his tour of peoples living south of Egypt, which includes the Ichthyophagi (fish eaters), Chelonophagi (turtle eaters), Rhizophagi (root eaters), Hylophagi (wood eaters), Spermatophagi (seed eaters), Stnithophagi (bird eaters), and Acnclophagi (locust eaters). Just to show his scheme was not entirely based on diet, he threw in the Simi (flat nosed). It is unlikely that people actually thought of themselves as being Hylophagi or Simi.67* [67* - “.H. III.15.1; 21.1; 23.1; 24.1–2; 28.1–2; 29.1. On names the Greeks gave to the Libyans, see Olivier Masson, "Grecs et Libyens en Cyrenaique," Antiquités africaines 10 (1976): 49–62.” - Richard L. Smith]

Finally, a bio-anthropological trivia on Imazighen speaker...

Recaps from posts elsewhere: Language family association aside, the other thing that seems to tie in these groups, though perhaps relatively more loosely than the language connection, is reoccurring uniparental markers, that is suggestive of ultimate from descent a common recent ancestor in a proto-Amazighan speaking population; predominantly, from the paternal side, this is primarily the E-M81 marker, closely followed by various clusters of the E-M78 marker. On the maternal end, an interesting pattern is observed: a clinal distribution along geographic lines finds expression with recent European ancestry substantially represented along the the north coast regions, wherein its frequency thereof progressively fades as one proceeds further into the continent, through the Sahara to the Sahel, and ultimately into sub-Saharan Africa. By the same token, the more traditional/typical African markers are more considerably represented in Sahelian and Saharan Imazighen speakers. This maternal distribution pattern seems to parallel phenotypic trends like that of the clinal pattern invoked in skin tone variations; Imazighen (Berber) speakers sport noticeable degree of variation from tawny looking groups to noticeably dark hued groups, and intermediary grades in between the extremes of this phenotypic manifestation amongst Imazighen speakers; darker-toned Imazighen speakers seem to be predominant in the Saharan and Sahelian areas, while the coastal north regions is notably inhabited by considerable segments of populations, though not exclusively, of lighter-toned Imazighen and Arabized Imazighen speakers.

There have been attempts by some parties to tie contemporary Imazighen speakers with Upper Paleolithic bio-anthropological records of Northwest Africa, but genetic studies have shown that while contemporary Imazighen groups carry lineages that derive from Upper Paleolithic provenance, the coalescent ages from typical Amazigh markers postdate the Upper Paleolithic; reoccurring markers like M1 and U6 also derive from the Upper Paleolithic, but are not evenly distributed in considerable frequency in different Imazighen locales, if not even relatively modest compared to some territorially-specific markers of an Imazighen habitation in question. One study found something interesting in the coastal northwest African mtDNA landscape: that an Arabized population had less traditional African-specific markers than the "Imazighen"-identified counterpart in Tunisia; they attribute this interesting find to the "patchy nature" of DNA samplings undertaken on contemporary Imazighen populations...

Female gene pools of Berber and Arab neighboring communities in central Tunisia: microstructure of mtDNA variation in North Africa.
Feb 2005

Cherni L, Loueslati BY, Pereira L, Ennafaa H, Amorim A, El Gaaied AB.

Laboratory of Molecular Genetics, Immunology, and Biotechnology, Faculty of Sciences of Tunis, University of Tunis, El Manar II 1060, Tunisia.

North African populations are considered genetically closer to Eurasians than to sub-Saharans. However, they display a considerably high mtDNA heterogeneity among them, namely in the frequencies of the U6, East African, and sub-Saharan haplogroups. In this study, we describe and compare the female gene pools of two neighboring Tunisian populations, Kesra (Berber) and Zriba (non-Berber), which have contrasting historical backgrounds. Both populations presented lower diversity values than those observed for other North African populations, and they were the only populations not showing significant negative Fu's F(S) values. Kesra displayed a much higher proportion of typical sub-Saharan haplotypes (49%, including 4.2% of M1 haplogroup) than Zriba (8%). With respect to U6 sequences, frequencies were low (2% in Kesra and 8% in Zriba), and all belonged to the subhaplogroup U6a. An analysis of these data in the context of North Africa reveals that the emerging picture is complex, because Zriba would match the profile of a Berber Moroccan population, whereas Kesra, which shows twice the frequency of sub-Saharan lineages normally observed in northern coastal populations, would match a western Saharan population except for the low U6 frequency.

The North African patchy mtDNA landscape has no parallel in other regions of the world and increasing the number of sampled populations has not been accompanied by any substantial increase in our understanding of its phylogeography. Available data up to now rely on sampling small, scattered populations, although they are carefully characterized in terms of their ethnic, linguistic, and historical backgrounds. It is therefore doubtful that this picture truly represents the complex historical demography of the region rather than being just the result of the type of samplings performed so far.

Recalling from a previous posting elsewhere...

Arredi et al. had already stated that there is no substantial "Paleolithic" contribution in North African west Afrasan-speaking groups (otherwise known as "Berbers"), even though the lineages themselves derive from ancestral lineages of Paleolithic extraction; whereas the Bosch et al. study sees E3b lineages in Berbers as of Upper Paleolithic extraction. Arredi et al.'s study post-dates (2004) that of the Bosch et al. study (2001). Moreover, Bosch et al. idea of what constitutes "sub-Saharan" Africa is messed up, judging from their seeming incapacity to note that E3b-M35 is of sub-Saharan origin. Nonetheless, Wikipedia's claim about ancestry, supposedly in attribution to Bosch et al., is a far cry from what is actually presented in the Bosch et al. study; and so, in reading Wikipedia, caution has to be in order before one accepts the said info as credible. This is what was stated in Wikipedia:

The Y chromosome is passed exclusively through the paternal line. The composition is: 48% E3b2, 12% E3b* (xE3b2), 17% R1*(xR1a) and 23% F*(xH,I,J2,K) ((Arredi et al., 2004) [1]), according to the method used by Bosch et al. 2001. We may summarize the historical origins of the Kabyle Y-chromosome pool as follows: 60% Northwest African Upper Paleolithic (H36/E3b* and H38/E3b2), 23% Neolithic (F*(xH,I,J2,K)) and 17% historic European gene flow (R1*(xR1a)). :

This is what Bosch et al. actually said:

Group IX haplotypes (fig. 2gi) are found in the Middle East and are most prevalent in Europe (Underhill et al. 2000). Group IX also contains three local Iberian haplotypes: H101, H102, and H103. The latter, which is defined by derived mutation M167 (also known as "SRY-2627"), is equivalent to Y-chromosome haplogroup 22 as described by Hurles et al. (1999). These authors examined haplogroup 22 worldwide and showed that it has a geographical distribution almost restricted to northern Iberia. Moreover, on the basis of the dating of microsatellite and minisatellite diversity within haplogroup 22, they suggested that it arose in Iberia a few thousand years ago.

Group IX is found at a low frequency **(3%)** in NW Africa. In Iberia, 56% of the Y chromosomes carry H104, which is found across Europe, with increasing frequencies toward the west; its defining mutation, M173, may have been introduced by the first Upper Paleolithic colonizations of Europe (Semino et al. 2000). It may not have been the only lineage introduced into Iberia during the Upper Paleolithic, but it seems to have been the only one that has persisted in the extant Iberian gene pool. Of five H104 NW African chromosomes, one had an STR haplotype identical to that in an H104 Iberian chromosome, one was one mutation step away from Iberian H104 chromosomes, and the remaining three were two mutation steps away. Moreover, the mean repeat-size difference within 53 H104 Iberian STR haplotypes was 2.8 (range 011). The phylogenetic relations among H104 STR haplotypes is shown by a reduced median network (fig. 3c), in which the NW African chromosomes appear to be clearly embedded within the Iberian diversity. The time necessary to accumulate the STR-allele differences between NW African and Iberian H104 chromosomes was estimated at 2,100 ± 450 years. This close STR-haplotype similarity seems to indicate that H104 chromosomes found in NW Africa are a subset of the European gene pool and that they may have been introduced during **historic times.**


...meaning that European, more precisely Iberian male mediated gene flow, is much more recent in coastal North African west-Afrasan speakers, who are specifically the following:

H50 found in one Moroccan "Arab", and H104 found in one southern Moroccan "west-Afrasan/"Berber"" speaker, three Moroccan "Arab" speakers, and one north-central Moroccan "west-Afrasan" speaker.

Bosch et al. go onto conclude that:

So far, our analyses have allowed a clear dissection of almost all NW African and Iberian paternal lineages into several components with distinct historical origins. In this way, the historical origins of the NW African Y-chromosome pool may be summarized as follows: 75% NW African Upper Paleolithic (H35, H36, and H38), 13% Neolithic (H58 and H71), **4%** historic European gene flow (group IX, H50, H52), and 8% recent sub-Saharan African (H22 and H28). In contrast, the origins of the Iberian Y-chromosome pool may be summarized as follows: 5% recent NW African, 78% Upper Paleolithic and later local derivatives (group IX), and 10% Neolithic (H58, H71). No haplotype assumed to have originated in sub-Saharan Africa was found in our Iberian sample. It should be noted that H58 and H71 are not the only haplotypes present in the Middle East and that the Neolithic wave of advance could have brought other lineages to Iberia and NW Africa. However, the homogeneity of STR haplotypes within the most ancient biallelic haplotypes in each region indicates a single origin during the past, with possible minor reintroductions, with the Neolithic expansion, from the Middle East. Thus, Neolithic contributions may be slightly underestimated.

Whereby Hg E is denoted by the following:

H35=E3b-M78, H38=E3b-M81, and H36=E3b-M35; H22=E3a-M2, and H28=E1-M33

Hg J denoted by the following:

H58=J2*-M172

Hg F denoted by the following:

H71=F*-M89

Hg I denoted by the following:

H50=I1b2-M26, and H52=I*-M170.

Hg R denoted by the following:

H104=R*-M173

Thus note that the "4%" "historic", NOT pre-historic, European contribution quite likely from the Iberian peninsula, is a combination of I lineage (.6%), which was found in only one Moroccan "Arab" speaking individual AND R lineages (2.8%) found in five Moroccan individauls; three of them "Arab" speakers, and two of them "west-Afrasan" speakers.