Wednesday, June 18, 2008

European "Dark Ages": Cause ultimately traced back to Northeast Africa?

It has become a tradition within Eurocentric ideological circles, the idea that European "Dark Ages" of the medieval era was the expression of "lost classical Greek thought" in all European life. This loss of intellectual development was largely attributed to the reactionary practices of the Church, wherein religious doctrine was not to be challenged by free and objective thinking. Perhaps there is an ounce of truth in this, with regards to the Church discouraging liberal intellectual thought, but to overestimate its impact to the point of explaining away the paralysis of intellectual progress in Europe, would be some stretch. Hence, it is not highly imaginative to understand why something else was looked to, so as to supplement the actions of the Church as the main factor for loss of intellectual development in medieval western Europe: that is, the burning of the Alexandria Library, stationed in Egypt!

Ardent Eurocentrists insist that the burning of the Alexandria Library— which was a major learning center of the ancient world, including for the Greeks— deprived Europe the "Greek thought" in the periods to come, as every scripted philosophical and analytical thought stored in that library was burnt away with the building complex. That library was believed to have housed much of the penned "Greek thought", which is considered to be the first and the main, if not the only, European "golden age" of intellectual development in the ancient world. The culprits of this atrocious act, was none other than Arabs.

Yet, it was supposedly these same Arabs, who managed to have rescued Europeans from their so-called Dark period, by simply returning to them, what they had lost in the northeast corner of Africa. So in essence, the arrest of European intellectual development in the so-called Dark Ages, is traced back to northeast Africa, in the early common era. In this respect, Dr. Salah Zaimeche, a researcher at the Foundation for Science Technology and Civilization organization (FSTC), pointed out the ridiculousness with which Peire Duhem's claim is made:

P. Duhem writes,

"The revelations of Greek thought on the nature of the exterior world ended with the “Almagest,” (by Ptolemy) which appeared about A.D. 145, and then began the decline of ancient learning. Those of its works that escaped the fires kindled by the Mohammedan warriors were subjected to the barren interpretations of Mussulman commentors and, like parched seed, awaited the time when Latin Christianity would furnish a favorable soil in which they could once more flourish and bring forth fruit."

To which, Dr. Zaimeche writes,

"If Duhem is to be followed, the Muslims are responsible for one thing, and for its total opposite, both at once. Indeed, according to him, the Muslims were fanatic, rampaging hordes, burners of Greek science, and also pale imitators, copiers of the Greeks. They cannot be both, though. How can you copy a book that you have burnt; or convey a science that you have destroyed on first contact? Incidently, both these conflicting opinions can be found not just with Duhem, but also with his crowd of followers, who pursue the same aberrations of history. More recent amongst these is another Frenchman, J.P. Verdet, who in a History of astronomy, manages to jump from Ptolemy to Copernicus, skipping nearly 1500 years, as if in his whole lifetime, and a scholar with access to tens of libraries, he never came across one single work dealing with Muslim astronomy."

Indeed; as with all myths, Eurocentric forgery of tracing the unflattering state of European development in the medieval period has contradictions that are there for anyone to see, except for blind followers and advocates of traditional Eurocentric "Dark Ages" dogma. They fail to account for the non-sequitur prospect of Arabs burning Greek material, and then somehow being able to learn, copy and preserve that which they had just blindly and mercilessly burnt.

Contradiction doesn't stop there; the tradition also has it that Arabs simply reintroduced Greek thought, implying that it was simply preserved as it is, as though no modifications were made, let alone introduction new original non-Greek material. In other words, the rest of the world was intellectually and culturally stunted to come up with new and original thought, outside of simply learning from preserved Greek material. Yet Eurocentric proponents of the so-called Dark Age dogma will sit there with straight faces, and acknowledge the "Golden era" of the Islamic and Arabic world during that period of European intellectual regression. The reason for this contradiction is simple: Eurocentric proponents do not intend to purvey the idea that Europe owes the Arab world anything that would call for any sense of gratitude. What one has here, is what amounts to another "Greek Miracle", so to speak, wherein it is Europe which rescues itself again, by merely applying that which was theirs to begin with: The "Greek thought"! John Glubb for instance, writes:

“ The indebtedness of Western Christendom to Arab civilization was systematically played down, if not completely denied. A tradition was built up, by censorship and propaganda, that the Muslim imperialists had been mere barbarians and that the rebirth of learning in the West was derived directly from Roman and Greek sources alone, without any Arab intervention.”

The first "Greek Miracle" of course, goes back to the "first time" the classical Greeks gained enlightenment, presumably without relying much on the intellectual and cultural accomplishments of preexisting and much older complex societies, like those in the Nile Valley and Mesopotamia. This of course, goes against all that which classical Greeks themselves had to say about their inheritance of philosophical and scientific ideas from outside Europe, and their expressed gratitude for such. This "second-coming" of another "Greek Miracle" necessitated the need to blackout all developments in science, undertaken by non-Europeans outside of Europe, during the so-called Dark Ages. G. M. Wickens, for his part, notes:

“In the broadest sense, the West’s borrowing from the Middle East form practically the whole of basic fabric of civilization. Without such fundamental borrowings from the middle east, we should lack the following sorts of things amongst others (unless, of course, we had been quick and inventive enough to devise them all for ourselves): agriculture; the domestication of animals, for food, clothing and transportation; spinning and weaving; building; drainage and irrigation; road-making and the wheel; metal working, and standard tools and weapons of all kinds; sailing ships; astronomical observation and the calendar; writing and the keeping of records; laws and civic life; abstract thought and mathematics; most of our religious ideas and symbols…There is virtually no evidence for any of these basic things and processes and ideas being actually invented in the West”

But getting back to this idea of having lost Greek thought, one has to wonder how it is, that western Europeans lost that which was still present in Europe elsewhere. When pressed on how it is that Europeans couldn't get access to Greek material—particularly when it was available in the Byzantium Eastern empire, but had to wait for the Arabs to come into Europe and then go through the trouble of translating Arabic material, as opposed to material in Greek that could have been accessed in the aforementioned Eastern empire counterpart, the Eurocentric traditionalists are mum. On this, Dr. Zaimeche writes:

"As for the notion that Greek learning had disappeared, this is another preposterous point repeatedly made by western ‘historians’. Greek learning was available throughout the so-called Dark Ages in Byzantium and even in the ‘west’.

Western historians never fail to insist that Muslims sought that Greek learning from Byzantine sources, and yet say that it has disappeared, which is impossible to square. Now, if such learning was available all along, why did ‘western scholars’ have to wait until they conquered Islamic lands in Sicily (11th), Toledo (Spain) (in the 11th) and in the east during the Crusades (11th -12th) before they started acquiring such ‘Greek’ learning? Why wait?

And above all, why did Western translators of the 12th century, to whom we will return further on, chose to translate such sources? This is never explained by those historians who select miniscule or fragmentary pieces of evidence, often concoctions of their own, to build extensive theories (i.e. the Pirenne theory, the burning of the Alexandria library)"


Obviously lack of response to such questions is symptomatic of contradictions that cannot be reconciled. The answer to the above question, with regards to "Western translators" reaching out to Arabic literature, as opposed to going straight to available Greek literature in Europe, lies in this: what made the Golden Age of the Arab world possible in the medieval era, was not mere learning and copying of Greek thought as the classical Greeks had left it, but introduction of considerable new and original thought from across a wide spectrum of geographical regions, transcending different ethnic groups and cultures. It was the usage of Arabic as the "lingua franca of the day" that united these people. Dr. Zaimeche also notes this, when he references Kevin Krisciunas' about the blackening out of the Arab world's advancement of astronomy, saying that:

"Kruisciunas then points that during the Middle Ages the principal astronomers were Muslims, Jews, and some Christians, and what they had in common was that they wrote in Arabic. This was the principal language of astronomy of the 9th through 11th centuries, just as English is today"

The richness of diversity, which was the strength behind Arab "Golden Age", can be described as follows:

"…amongst the Muslims, only a number of such scientists were Arabs; most were instead Turks, Iranians, Spanish Muslims, Berbers, Kurds...thus a myriad of people and origins brought under the mantel of Islam, a religion open to all who sought to, and excelled in learning. And that was the first, and by far, the most multi ethnic culture and civilization that had ever existed, and not equaled in many respects, even today, not even in countries and institutions which keep advertising their equal opportunity status..."

"The Jews had the most glorious pages of their civilization under Islam, too. To name just a couple, Maimonides (philosopher-physicist) was Salah Eddin Al-Ayyubi's doctor, and Hasdai Ibn Shaprut, followed by his sons, held some of the most prominent positions in terms of learning and power in Muslim Spain. And The Ben-Tibbon family were the ones who played a most prominent role in scattering Islamic learning in all provinces other than Spain (such as the South of France). And nearly all Muslim envoys to Christian powers were Jews, too."

"Thus, some of Islam's earliest and most prominent scientists at the Abbasid court, Ishaq Ibn Hunayn and Hanayn Ibn Ishaq were Nestorian Christians. Thabit Ibn Qurrah, the astronomer, was Sabean."
— Dr. S. Zaimeche

Contrast this embrace of rich diversity with the image perpetrated by ardent defenders of what is deemed to be "Western Civilization", who latch onto the notion of the "Greek Miracle" and well, its sister "miracle" under the banner of the "Renaissance age", which as noted earlier, is portrayed as nothing more than the regaining of what was European to begin with; John North for instance, writes:

"Like it or not, however, all this derives from an intellectual construction that attributed the primary responsibility for European and American culture to this particular ancient ethnic/linguistic group, perceived as co-members of the Indo-European race. In that sense, a great deal of 19th century scholarship must be seen as working towards this construction. It needs to be accepted: that this was in some sense a racial construction, emphasizing the role of those perceived as co-race members and eliminating the apparent influence of those who were not; and (2) that the fact of the construction cannot be separated from the process through which European nations simultaneously established imperial domination over other parts of the world."
The buzz words being: "eliminating the apparent influence of those who were not [part of the co-race]"

Obviously the Golden Age of the Arab world itself is a fact that goes against Eurocentric traditionalist characterization of Islam as being hostile to learning, and all the while proclaiming that it was the Arab world which was supposed to have preserved Greek thought. How one reconciles the idea that the one who hates learning, is the same one who rescued the day by preserving learning, is something that the Eurocentric "Dark Age" traditionalists obviously haven't given much serious thought. After all, is it not the same Eurocentrists who in a significant way, attribute the European so-called Dark Ages to the actions of the Church, which undoubtedly was supposed to have been a Christian institution? The irony is clear. A typical Eurocentric rationalization was to go like this:

"In the early years Muslim leaders embraced the classic text. The fundamental conflict between these writings and the teaching of Islam eventually led to the writings being pushed out of the spotlight in Muslim society. They remained in arab countries with Muslim leaders tolerating them, if not embracing them.

verdet's leap from Ptolemy to Copernicus is accurate. The greek writings did not appear in Europe in latin until the high middle ages. They ran into trouble with the Catholic church for the same reasons they had trouble with Muslim religious leaders. Much of the Greek writings were simply incompatable with Catholic and Muslim thinking at the time. The church was able to supress them to a degree for a couple of hundred years but the cat was out of the bag. From 1100 on the information was increasingly avilable."

Fraught with contradictions, this comment at basic ignores the simple Eurocentric apologia about Greek thought having "disappeared" and then reintroduced into Europe via transmission from the Arabic and Muslim world, which supposedly preserved it. Predictably enough, a simple question of exactly when and where the supposed "disappearance" had occurred in Europe, is met with speechlessness, and if there was no such "Greek" learning there to begin with, then that would contradict the whole idea of 'reintroduction' and 'renaissance'. Even by the logic of such apologia, one world is implicated as being culturally backward, while the other is implicated as the more advanced and progressive. This flies in the face of the notion that "Much of the Greek writings were simply incompatible with Muslim thinking at the time." Acknowledgment of the absurdity in such claims has been voiced within European scholarly circles as well, as that exemplified by J.W. Draper:

"Islam had all along been the patron of physical science; paganising Christianity not only repudiated it, but exhibited towards it sentiments of contemptuous disdain and hatred." — J.W. Draper

...while Lynn White Jr. acknowledges,

'The traditional picture of the Middle Ages (5th to the 15th) has been one of historical decline, particularly in the early Middle Ages, the so called dark Ages. Yet such a view of the Middle Ages is false when viewed from the standpoint of the history of technology.

And similar sentiments have been expressed elsewhere....

'science owes a great deal more to the Arab culture, it owes its existence.'- Robert Briffault

"In a time when the movement of ideas was at a relative standstill, 'the Muslims came along with a new outlook, with a sense of enquiry into the old, and finally to a point where Western Europe could take over this thoroughly examined knolewdge and endow its ripeness with a completely fresh approach of its own." — Martin Levey

What makes Eurocentric "Dark Age" proponents' and Pirenne theory-followers' task of mystifying medieval Europe harder, is a whole body of translated work by medieval European scholars in the so-called "West". That aside, Dr. Zaimeche names a few examples from a section of European scholars, those whose work has not exactly towed the line with the aforementioned proponents:

"Besides, amongst the Westerners are scholars in the many who keep unearthing what others try very hard to blot out. Sarton, Haskins, E. Kennedy, D, King, Wiedemann, Ribera, Hill, Mieli, Myers, Suter, Leclerc, Millas Vallicrosa, Sedillot, just to cite a few amongst the many, have put at the disposal of scholarship and audiences so much that is impossible to hide. And so, the true place of Islamic science can be reclaimed. "

Examples of translated work from Arabic, don't cease to exist, and here again, Dr. Zaimeche provides with a whole body of examples:'

"Scholars from all Christian lands rushed to that place to translate Muslim science, and thus start the scientific awakening of Europe. Many of course were Spaniards: John of Seville, Hugh of Santalla, and those working under the patronage of King Alfonso; another translator was Herman from Damatia; two came from Flanders, Rudolph of Bruges and Henry Bate; many from southern France; Armegaud son of Blaise, Jacob Anatoli, Moses ibn Tibbon, Jacob ben Mahir, and from Italy: Plato of Tivoli, Gerard of Cremona, Aristippus of Catania, Salio of Padua, John of Brescia. From British Isles will arrive Robert of Chester, Daniel of Morley, M. Scott, and possibly Adelard (of Bath), and others, including the intermediaries who helped transfer Islamic science from Arabic into Latin or local languages. Amongst such translators the most profilic of all was the Italian Gerard of Cremona, who translated about 87 works amongst which included the Todelan tables of al-Zarqali Canones Arzachelis and Jabr Ibn Aflah's Islah al Majisti (correction of the Almagest of Ptlomey). His other translations include The Banu Musa's Liber trium fratrum, Al-Khwarizmi's : De jebra et elmucabala, Abu Kamil: Liber qui secundum Arabes vocatur algebra et almucabala,, - ABu'l Qasim Al-Zahrawi: Liber Azaragui de cirurgia (treatise on surgery), Al-Farabi: De scientiis, -Al-Kindi's works on physics and mechanics: De aspec; followed by De umbris et de diversitate aspectrum, Ibn al-Haytham's work on physics: De crepusculis et nubium ascensionibus, Al-Kindi's: De gradibus medicinarum (on medicine). Amongst the translations made by the Jew truned Christian, John of Seville, are Al-Battani's Treatise on astronomy and other works; Thabit ibn Qura: De imaginibus astronomicis; Maslama ibn Ahmed al Majriti: De astrolabio; Al-Farabi: Isha al-Ulum; Abu Ma'shar: Al-Madkhal ila 'ilm ahkam al-nujum; Al-Ghazali: Maqasid Al-Falasifa; Al-Farghani: Kitab fi harakat al-Samawiya wa jawami'ilm al-nujum... It is not necessary to list all the translations since they can be found in greater detail, together with their successive editions, and a vast bibiliography relating to them in G. Sarton's Introduction." A whole host of refined ancient, new and original ideas, which explains the European rush to seek Arabic work, as opposed to available Greek work in the "east" Roman empire, made their way into Europe at a relatively heightened pace, in a south to north fashion, with the invasions of southwest Europe by Arabs from "southwest Asia" and the north African "Moors". This mix of refined ancient ideas, along with new and original ideas, ranged from advancements in astronomy, mathematics, chemistry, physics, philosophy, geography to medicine, architecture and modern machinery..."First and foremost, the learning recovered, or found, or available, at that Renaissance of 16th-17th (another illogically based notion of western history) bears no resemblance to anything left by the Greeks. The mathematics, the medicine, the optics, the chemistry, the astronomy, geography, mechanics etc, of the 16th is centuries ahead of that left by the Greeks. Any person with the faintest knowledge of any such subjects can check this by looking at what was left by the Greeks and compare it with what was available in the 16th century, and even with what was available centuries up to the 14th. Anyone can thus question this notion of Greek learning recovered during the Renaissance.

Furthermore, even supposing the Greeks had made some contribution in some of the sciences cited, what is the Greek contribution to the invention of paper, printing, farming techniques, irrigation, windmills, the compass, industrial production, glass making, cotton production, the system of numerals, trade mechanisms, paper money, the cheque? Modern finance as a whole, gardens, flowers, art of living, urban design, personal hygiene, and many more manifestations that compose our modern civilization?" — Dr. Salah Zaimeche

...while Draper gives us a glimpse of the state of Affairs in northwest Europe during the late Middle Ages,

“As late as 16th century England, there were highwaymen on the roads, pirates on the rivers, vermin in abundance in the clothing and beds…The population, sparse as it was, was perpetually thinned by pestilence and want…” — J.W. Draper


...while S.P. Scott informs us that,

“ In Paris there were no pavements until the thirteenth century; in London none until the fourteenth; the streets of both capitals were receptacles of filth, and often impassable; at night shrouded with inky darkness; at all times dominated by outlaws; the haunt of the footpad, the nursery of the pestilence, the source of every disease, the scene of every crime”


He goes on further, courtesy of Dr. Zaimeche, with regards to "Spanish Asturias at the time of the Muslim arrival",... “The dwellings were rude hovels constructed of stones and unhewn timber, thatched with straw floored with rushes and provided with a hole in the roof to enable the smoke to escape; their walls and ceilings were smeared with soot and grease, and every corner reeked with filth and with vermin. The owners of these habitations were, in appearance and intelligence, scarcely removed from the condition of savages. They dressed in sheepskins and the hides of wild beasts, which unchanged, remained in one family for many generations. The salutary habit of ablution was never practiced by them. Their garments were never cleansed, and were worn as long as their tattered fragments held together.” — S. P. Scott

And so, back to the issue of advancement in science...

"It was, indeed, between the 8th -13th centuries that most decisive scientific inventions were made, and the foundations of modern civilization were laid. Scientists and scientific discoveries in their thousands, artistic creativity, great architecture, huge libraries, hospitals, universities, mapping of the world, the discovery of the sky and its secrets, and much more. It was the time when Al-Biruni, Al-Khwarizmi, Al-Idrissi, Al-Kindi, Ibn Sina, Al-Razi, Ibn Khaldun, Ak-Khazin, Ibn al-Haytham, Al-Farabi, Al-Ghazali, Al-Jazari and hndreds more scientists shaped the modern sciences in such a way that in the mind of Briffault, science owes a great deal more to the Arab culture, it owes its existence.' — Dr. Salah Zaimeche

It is interesting to note that, what would become the main tool of European imperialism, has its origins outside of Europe, and earliest attested practical application in northeastern corner of Africa: The Gun! Courtesy of Prof. Mohamed Mansour, Emeritus Professor of Control Eng., ETH Zurich, Switzerland,...

Gunpowder:

The Chinese knew gunpowder in the 11th century, but didn’t know the right proportions of getting explosions and didn’t achieve the necessary purification of potassium nitrate. The first Chinese book, which details the explosives proportion, was in 1412 by Huo Lung Ching. [1]

Al-Rammah’s book is the first to explain the purification procedure for potassium nitrate and described many recipes for making gunpowder with the correct proportions to achieve explosion. This is necessary for the development of canons. Partington [ 3] says “the collection of recipes was probably taken from different sources at different times in the author’s family and taken down. Such recipes are described as tested.” Al-Razi, Al-Hamdany, and an Arabic-Syriaque manuscript of the 10th century describe potassium nitrate. Ibn Al-Bitar describes it in 1240. The Arab-Syriaque manuscript of the 10th century gives some recipes of gunpowder. It is assumed that these were added in the 13th century.

The Latin book “Liber Ignium” of Marcus Graecus is originally Arabic (translated in Spain) gives many recipes for making gunpowder the last four of which must have been added to the book in 1280 or 1300. “Did Roger Bacon derive his famous cryptic gunpowder in his Epistola of ca. 1260 from the crusader Peter of Maricourt, some other traveler or from a wide range of reading from Arabic and alchemical books”. References [1], [3], and Joseph Needham, doubt the correctness and effectiveness of the recipe of Bacon.

The German scientist Albert Magnus obtained his information from the “Liber Ignium” originally an Arabic book translated in Spain.

Evidence of the use of gunpowder during the crusades in Fustat, in Egypt, 1168 was found in the form of traces of potassium nitrate. Such traces were also found in 1218 during the siege of Dumyat and in the battle of Al-Mansoura in 1249.

Winter mentions, “the Chinese may have discovered saltpeter (gunpowder) or else that discovery may have been transmitted to them by the Muslims whom they had plenty of opportunities of meeting either at home or abroad. Sarton is referring to Arab-Muslim traders to China, as well as Arab inhabitants in China. As early as 880 an estimated 120,000 Muslims, Jews and Persians liven in Canton alone.”

Cannons and Rockets:

There are four Arabic manuscripts (Almakhzoun manuscripts; one in Petersburg, two in Paris and one in Istanbul) in 1320 describing the first portable canon with suitable gunpowder. This description is principally the same as for modern guns. Such canons were used in the famous battle of Ain-Galout against the Mongols (1260).

The Mamlouks developed the canons further during the 14th century.

In Spain, Arabs used cannons defending Seville (1248), in Granada 1319, in Baza or Albacete 1324, in Huescar and Martos 1325, in Alicante 1331 and in Algeziras 1342-1344. Partington says, “ the history of artillery in Spain is related to that of the Arabs”.

J.R. Partington mentions, “Arabic accounts suggest that the Arabs introduced firearms into Spain, from where they passed to Italy, from there to France, and finally Germany.”

“The Arabs, in any event, appear to have been the first to inherit (and possibly) originate the secret of the rocket, and it was through Arabic writings, rather than the Mongols -- that the Europeans came to know the rocket. The two notable examples of Arabic knowledge of the rocket are the so-called “self-moving and combusting egg” of the Syrian Al-Hassan Al-Rammah (d. 1294 - 1295), details of which may be found in Willey Ley’s popular “Rockets, Missiles, and Space Travel” and physician Yusuf ibn Ismail Al-Kutub’s description (1311) of the saltpeter (“they use it to make a fire which rises and moves, thus increasing it in lightness and inflammability”). — Frank H. Winter

Sources: Courtesy of FSTC

The modern gun was essentially a carryover technology from the portable cannon.

Again, it is interesting that the earliest evidence of the practical application of portable cannon technology goes back to Egypt — Recap: "Such canons were used in the famous battle of Ain-Galout against the Mongols (1260)."

...not to mention that, "Evidence of the use of gunpowder during the crusades in Fustat, in Egypt, 1168 was found in the form of traces of potassium nitrate. Such traces were also found in 1218 during the siege of Dumyat and in the battle of Al-Mansoura in 1249"

As a recap from above, certain few indicators argue against the portable cannon introduction by Chinese, and favor its introduction in the sphere of the Arabic speaking world:

—Evidence of the earliest attested application of the portable cannon, which uses suitable gunpowder, goes back to its usage by Egyptians in the Battle of Ain Jalut.

— The battle of Ain Jalut, wherein Egyptians used portable cannons against the Mongols, who apparently didn't have one, suggests that the technology had not yet spread to southeast Asia, but was available in northeast Africa then. One would expect a people who lived in proximity to the Chinese, to have had relatively easier access to a new Chinese invention than, and before people from far away, for instance, those in northeast Africa.

— The above [not to mention the point below, vis-a-vis suitable gunpowder] coupled with early traces of gunpowder in battlefields located in Egypt ca. 12th and the 13th centuries, make Egypt a very likely candidate of where the portable cannon was first developed.

The Chinese "didn’t know the right proportions of getting explosions and didn’t achieve the necessary purification of potassium nitrate". One would expect that if the Chinese were the first to use portable cannons, they'd also likely have been the first to develop suitable gunpowder for this machine. Literature from the Arabic speaking world, detailing procedures for producing both the purification of gunpowder and the associated portable cannon date earlier than the Chinese counterparts, dating to 13th and 14th centuries, while the first Chinese manuals [noted below] for producing suitable gunpowder to be fired from a gun, make their appearance from the 15th century onwards.

"The first Chinese book, which details the explosives proportion, was in 1412 by Huo Lung Ching."

With all that said, we now draw...

The lessons: The argument put forward by Eurocentric defenders of European imperialism basically amounts to tracing the origins of the so-called European "Dark Ages" to the northeast corner of Africa. The "European Dark Age" narrative is built around the burning of the Alexandria library — a major learning center of the ancients located in Egypt. There are too many holes that come with this narrative, in that it attempts to portray Arabs as the invading and insensitive forces who went out of their way to destroy the learning center, and along with it, much of penned down "Greek thought", while at the same time, those same Arabs were the ones who preserved this "Greek thought", only to reintroduce it to Europe in pretty much the same state that classical Greeks had left it. The so-called "Dark Ages" are advanced as such by Eurocentrists, apparently because this was largely a period when scientific and socio-economic advancement was tilted considerably in favor of the non-European world, and Europe didn't make much of an impression in global trade and geopolitics. In fact however, not only did the Arab world preserve earlier ancient thoughts, but they also refined and developed them into the state that would benefit modern civilization in practical ways. Additionally, scholars of the Arab world also introduced considerable new thought and associated science that didn't exist in ancient times. To say that the Arab world simply preserved ancient thoughts in their original form, with the Europeans later on receiving it as such, is a great stretch of reality. The Arab world did much more than that, and the developments that ensued from Arabic translations of Arabic works, is testament to this. Overall, closer inspection of historical facts, show that the so-called Renaissance, which is essentially presented as another "Greek Miracle", was an evolution or a thread of cultural diffusion processes, jump-started by flow of knowledge from outside Europe through the Arabic speaking world and not an event of sudden awakening, as some try to portrait it; it that was brought about through Arab/Muslim colonization of Europe. The Arabs (as did the Greeks) in turn, benefited from processes of cultural diffusion of ancient knowledge developed in the Nile through to "southwestern Asia", and South East Asia (Chinese and Indian civilizations) as well.
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Few links for some interesting reading — disclaimer: no affiliations or responsibility for content of the sites, reviews or books in question:

Lunar features named after mathematicians; contains a few notable names in the medieval Arab scholarly word, like for instance; Al-Haytham, who has also been referred to as "father of optics", and Al'Khwarizmi, a mathematician from whom we get the words algorithm and algebra.

Muslim Scientists and Scholars; not comprehensive by any means, but introductions to a few notable names of the medieval Arab world.

Al-Jahiz, a zoologist amongst other things: influenced the likes Charles Darwin? Although Al-Jahiz apparently approaches bio-anthropological matters from an idealistic standpoint, while Darwin does it from a materialistic standpoint, this link, AL-JAHIZ AND THE RISE OF BIOLOGICAL EVOLUTIONISM, makes a case that there are influences to be assessed. Let the reader be the decider!





Al-Jazari (circa A.D. 1150-1220), Considered the father of modern engineering, this Arab scholar invented a programmable humanoid automaton and 50 other mechanical gadgets such as water cranks and pumps with suction pipes.

Fully-fledged universities was something considered to have been brought about by the medieval Arab and Muslim world. As a west Sahelian/west African example, we have here, a popular link that provides a neat intro to the University of Timbuktu (clickable)!



BBC "In 711, Spain was invaded by Islamic troops from North Africa and the Middle East. For the next 700 years, most of Spain was ruled by Muslims and the country became a largely Islamic state. Under the Muslims, Spain became the most advanced, wealthy and populous country in Europe. The Muslim contribution to Spanish culture was immense. Philosophy, poetry, science, mathematics, art and architecture all made giant leaps forward.

Andrew tells the story of Muslim political and cultural power as he travels from Cordoba to Seville and on to Granada. In these cities beautiful palaces, mosques and gardens were built. Andrew explores the art and architecture of Moorish Spain through classic buildings such as the Great Mosque in Cordoba, the Alcazar in Sville and the Alhambra in Granada. He also explores the debt which both modern Spain and modern Europe owe to Moorish Spain. The Moors were not only keen to develop their minds; they also introduced new foods – including citrus fruits, coffee and numerous herbs and spices – to Spain, together with the technique by which alcohol is produced. In so many ways – from art and philosophy to food and drink – Moorish Spain shaped modern Europe."

Brings to mind, if momentarily, the state of affairs in Spain [and elsewhere in Europe] before Moorish presence in the region, as described by S.P. Scott. And oh, who could forget some potential good reading in Ivan Van Sertima's Golden Age of the Moor; a review —

"This book examines the debt owed by Europe to the Moors for its Renaissance, and the significant role played by the Africans in the Muslim invasions of the Iberian peninsula. While the authors focus mainly on Spain and Portugal, they also examine the races and roots of the original North Africans before the later ethnic mix of the blackamoors and tawny Moors in the medieval period. The study ranges from characterizations of the Moors in the literature of Cervantes and Shakespeare to their profound influence upon the development of Europe's university system, and the diffusion through this system of ancient and medieval sciences."

Tuesday, June 10, 2008

Relationship between ancient Egyptian and Dagara? Part 2

Carried from Part 1

Peust’s chart overviews the strong compatibility restrictions of pairs of consonants with an asterisk (*) and absolutely no occurrences with (x). His strong restriction means that these pairs of consonants are clearly disfavoured, although they may appear occasionally. I take the occasional appearance of these consonants to mean that they are nonadjacent, again, however, Peust does not indicate any positional variations on consonantal incompatibility. Further, Peust omits the three consonants transcribed as 'a', 'j' and 'n' as he found they were not subject to strong restrictions (1999b:196).

Peust (1999b) does not discuss the general restrictions of these consonants such as articulatory sets or their positioning within a root therefore they will be discussed here supported by Greenberg’s (1950b) and Watson’s (1979) studies into verbal root consonantal compatibility restrictions.

As there are consonants that have been through internal developments, the articulatory divisions are discussed in-depth. I use the standard transcription (put in pointed brackets <> [or '' or "" here] ) along with their posited phonemic representation as put forward in Loprieno (1995:32), which is given for the Old Kingdom period (3000-2000 BCE) and Peust (1999b) for the Late Kingdom period (1300-700 BCE):

3.2.1 Labials

The labial series of consonants in Egyptian are:

/b/, 'f' /f/, 'm' /m/, 'p' /p/, ('w' /w/)

The co-occurrence restriction of consonants from the labial group in Egyptian is the most clear and rigorous of all the articulatory series. Although it is seen that the labials can combine freely with the labial glide /w/, Greenberg omitted the labial glide from his discussion because ‘w and y do not consistently pattern with any group of Consonants. It has long been realized that the so-called weak verbs of Semitic, containing w and y in various positions, are ‘rationalizations’ by which older forms containing root u and i were incorporated into the dominant triconsonantal schema’.(1950b:163). Specifically applied to Egyptian this is an instantiation of the “law of Belova” (Takács 1996:355). The initial 'w-' or 'j-' when found in an Egyptian triliteral root are, in many cases, part of the original root of Proto-Afroasiatic with the internal root vocalism *-u- or *-i-, therefore, PAA *C1uC2 > Eg. wC1C2.

These initial glides have previously nearly always been treated as prefixes, and as Watson (1979:100) points out ‘affixal elements do not obey patterning’ (in this root-level co-occurrence restriction, Egyptian is similar to Arabic). Instances can subsequently be seen of the labial glide 'w' /w/ patterning with other consonants from the labial series.

What is interesting from Peust’s chart (fig. 13) is that it shows that the labial glide 'w' /w/ does have strong restrictions against it co-occurring with the velar stop 'k'/k/ and the uvular (?) stop q /q/ .35

However, Watson (1979:105) states that 'w' /w/ does not show any significant patterning in verbal roots and so dismisses any discussion of its co-occurrence restrictions from his paper. Although, when looking at Watson’s root distribution table (1979:101) for first and second root position, in can be seen that the labial glide 'w' /w/ does not pattern with the velar 'k' /k/ or the uvular (?) 'q' /q/ either.36

Furthermore, from Watson’s chart 'w' /w/ is not seen to co-occur with 'p'/p/ and 'f'/f/, although this restriction is not evident from Peust’s chart (perhaps this is due to Peust analysing the nominal and verbal roots, so it can be assumed that /w/ patterns with /p/ and /f/ in nominal forms).

3.2.2 Coronal sonorants

The coronal sonorant series in Egyptian contains the consonants:

/r/, /n/ 37

Contrary to Peust’s (1999b) findings, that /n/ is not subject to strong restrictions, is the claim made by Greenberg (1950b:180) that ‘In Egyptian, verb roots with r and n in adjacent positions are rare.’ These two studies elicit differing results, again due to the grammatical nature of the data they analyse. Greenberg (1950b) specifically deals with verbal roots and not nominal, whereas Peust (1999b) analyses both. Watson (1979:104), who following Greenberg, only analyses the verbal roots gives a contradictory analysis to Greenberg’s claim of this articulatory series and states that ‘[r and n]…are not as exclusive in regard to combining with each other.’ Watson goes on to summarise this articulator series as ‘n and r seemingly ignore patterning altogether.’ (1979:105). Due to the contradiction between Greenberg and Watson’s claims on the coronal sonorants series, this would require a firmer investigation. Although on the surface, as with other Afroasiatic languages, it could be stated here that there is a gradient co-occurrence restriction involving the feature [+nasal] within the coronal sonorants that needs to be taken into consideration.

The articulatory set of coronals is further sub-divided in Egyptian as it is seen there are no co-occurrence restrictions of the stops patterning with the fricatives, although within these sets there are restrictions. This position is reflected in Semitic languages where the same co-occurrence is evident. Importantly there is a ‘rule of transposition’ that is exhibited in Semitic languages whereby the ordering of the consonants coronal stop + coronal fricative > coronal fricative + coronal stop.38

However, Watson (1979 104) states this ‘may have been observed in Egyptian but was not certainly so.’

3.2.4 Coronal fricatives

The class of coronal fricatives is:

's' /s/, 'z' /z/

The co-occurrence of these consonants is strongly disfavoured in Egyptian. Watson (1979:104) lists only two roots containing a co-occurrence of these consonants, but through such a low co-occurrence ‘one may tentatively admit exclusive patterning to have been at work’ (1979:104). Greenberg (1950b:180) also concludes that the co- occurrence of these consonants is ‘very rare’ and only cites one example known to him where they do co-occur. It is noted that in the Middle Egyptian stage of the language these two phonemes merged resulting in only /s/ (Allen 2000:16). It is seen that two distinct graphemes were still used that came to represent the one phoneme /s/ by the Middle and Late Egyptian stages.

3.2.5 Dorsals 39

The dorsal series of consonants are:

'g' /g/, /k/, 'q' /q/, /x/ /χ/

In Watson’s study (1979:103), there are absolutely no occurrences of this series of
consonants co-occurring together in the same verbal root
, and Greenberg notes ‘I Could discover no instances of Egyptian roots containing two different velars.’(1950b:179). Confusingly though, these two studies label these consonants as velar and post-velar. For Greenberg, the sign he transcribes as 'x' is commonly transcribed as 'x' and he terms this as a ‘post-velar’. Watson gives the Egyptological transcription as 'x', although he follows Greenberg in also terming this sound a post-velar. Loprieno(1995:33) gives the representation of 'x' as a uvular fricative /χ/.

Although Egyptologists are undecided as to whether this sound is thought to represent a velar or uvular fricative, it can be positioned into the dorsal set due to its incompatibility with the other segments in this series. 40

The sign, transcribed as 'q', is thought to be representative of either a uvular stop/velar ejective/labio-velar. Loprieno transcribes 'q' as a uvular stop /q/ (1995:33), whereas Greenberg (1950b) does not define the phonemic transcription of this sign and only posits the Egyptological transcription 'q' (although Greenberg (1950b:180) terms this sound as a velar). Peust (1999b:110) gives the phonemic representation of this sign as a labio-velar /k /. Watson (1979) also only gives a transcription of this sign but for him it is represented as 'q'. 41

Allen (2000:16) states that Egyptian 'q' is ‘A kind of k, probably like Arabic and Hebrew q ...or with some kind of “emphasis,” like q in some Ethiopic languages...’ Moreover, Greenberg (1950b:180) states that ‘the Semitic rules concerning the non-occurrence of velars and post-velars finds its correspondence in Egyptian.’ For clarity, therefore, it is proposed here that the Egyptian velars and ‘post-velars’ should be termed ‘dorsal’. As the term, ‘post-velar’ implies the inclusion into this set of any other sound that is articulated further back than the velar place of articulation (such as the gutturals). This is in line with the Arabic categorisation.

In Egyptian verbal roots, the co-occurrence restriction of the uvular stop/velar ejective/labio-velar 'q' /q/ /k’/ /k /, the velar stops 'g' /g/ and 'k' /k/ or the velar/uvular fricative "x" /x/ /χ/ with each other is upheld.

3.2.6 Gutturals

The gutteral series of consonants are:

/h/, /ħ/, "a" / /, "a" / / / /

Watson (1979:102) describes these consonants as being laryngeals ("a", ) and pharyngeals (, "a"), which ‘display a complex series of interreactions and are party to phonological rules, for the most part unformulated and little understood.’ Watson finds that these consonants ‘exhibit no degree of patterning whatsoever.’(1979:102). Although Greenberg claims that the combination is not found but , and do occur (1950b:180). 43

He outlines that the combinations of "a" with the other gutturals can be ‘understood as the development of r and l’ (1950b:180). It is evidenced that this phoneme, transcribed as "a", frequently corresponds to Proto-Semitic *r and *l, hence the dual representation given in fig.14f. 44

Watson states that ‘Egyptian A often represents etymological r and l as well as A’ (1979:102). Furthermore he discusses the developments of the other sounds ‘a, likewise, commonly derives from r and less frequently from l besides a itself; and finally H may under certain conditions reflect an original x.’

Conclusively, Watson states that ‘For the time being therefore it must be confessed that no rules of patterning among laryngeals and pharyngeals in Egyptian are immediately apparent and that, in our present state of knowledge no definite conclusions can be drawn.’ (1979:102-103). However, Petráček (1969) finds that 'h' shows incompatibility with 'h' and 'a'. This is also seen from Peust’s chart in fig.13. Interestingly, Rössler (1971) finds that 'a' shows restrictions with the coronal series 'd', 't' and 'z' (also seen in Peust’s chart). 45 As Watson pointed out, this series of Egyptian consonants demand further investigation.46

3.2.7 Ancient Egyptian internal phonemic developments It is evidenced that the series of consonants in fig. 14 have gone through internal developments; this is clearly seen with the analysis of their co-occurrence restrictions with certain articulatory sets. 47

(14) 's', 't', 'd', 'x'

The Egyptian sign transcribed as 's' is proposed by Loprieno (1995:33) to have the phonemic value / /. He states (1995:34) that this phoneme, when palatalised, corresponds etymologically to Afroasiatic *x. 48

This was Greenberg’s theory (1950b:181) although he was unable to support this with any etymologies. Watson (1979:103) shows that 's' ‘does not seem to pattern as though it were a sibilant, and it must be suggested that S behaves as though it were a (prepalatalised) post-velar.’

Although Watson does not discuss its exact phonological nature, he notes that in Old Kingdom writings there is ‘confusion between x and S’ (1979:106). The dorsal nature of this sign is evidenced in Watson’s chart that shows this through the incompatibility of 's' with velars where their co-occurrence is ‘rare.’ From Watson’s analysis (1979:101), this co-occurrence restriction is validated and further 's' patterns frequently with other sibilants, where it has already been discussed that the sibilant series do not pattern with each other. Peust’s chart (fig.13) omits this sign from the compatibility analysis.

The two signs transcribed as 't' and 'd', are given by Loprieno (1995:33) with the phonemic representation of the palatals /t / and /d / respectively (1995:33). 49 However, Greenberg (1950b:180) discusses the fronting of an original 'k' /k/ resulting in 't', and 'd' from a fronted 'g' /g/. Watson terms these sounds as being ‘prepalatalised’ 't' from 'k' and 'd' from 'g' (1979:103). Evidence for their prepalatalisation comes from their incompatibility with the consonants from the dorsal series. Watson’s chart shows that there are no co-occurrences of these two sounds with any consonants from the dorsal series. Greenberg (1950b:180) also sees the incompatibility of these sounds with the dorsal series, ‘It is striking therefore, that there are no verb roots in Egyptian containing both T and a member of the velar stops…it also appears that D does not occur in roots along with a velar stop.’50

A further sign - 'x' is known to be subject to internal developments. Loprieno (1995:33) gives the phonemic transcription of this sign as / / - a palatal fricative. Further, he states that this sound was also, along with 's', the heir of Afroasiatic *x (Afroas. *xanam > Eg. Xnmw “[the ram-god] Khnum” (1995:35)). Watson (1979:103) states that this sound was ‘prepalatalised’. In Watson’s analysis, he finds no instances of roots containing both 'x' and 'x' (velar/uvular fricative). This co-occurrence restriction evidences the prepalatalised nature of this sound. Peust’s chart (fig. 13) also shows that this sound has strong restrictions against its occurrence with the dorsal series of consonants ('x', 'k', although 'q' and 'g' are questioned marked) and interestingly with the three other signs that are subject to internal ‘prepalatalised’ developments ('t', 'd' and 's').

Greenberg’s (1950b:181) study concludes, ‘The general subject of the patterning of consonantal phonemes within the morphemes in Hamito-Semitic languages would seem to be a promising subject of investigation and one whose results must be kept in mind for their bearing on the historical analysis of this family of languages.’ Watson, in supporting the conclusions made in Greenberg’s ‘preliminary attempt’ is unequivocal in his conclusion: ‘...more important however is that the presence of this patterning in Egyptian helps locate Egyptian’s historical position within Hamito-Semitic [Afroasiatic] with slightly more precision that hitherto.’ (1979:105).

.3 Non-Semitic Afroasiatic languages Bender (1978) extended the consonantal compatibility restriction analysis to all the branches of Afroasiatic. Bender found ‘strongly positive results’ for Tamazigt (Berber), an autonomous member of the Northern branch, and the Cushitic languages Beja and Oromo. 51

Further he found ‘More equivocal positive results are obtained for Hausa, Mubi, and Logone (Chadic), Awngi and Sidamo (Cushitic), Welamo (Omotic), Koma (Nilo-Saharan), 52 and Proto-Indoeuropean (all verb roots). Negative results, equivocal or clearcut are obtained for Margi (Chadic), Kefa and Ari (Omotic), Kanuri and Masai (Nilo-Saharan), Proto-Bantu and Moro (Niger-Kordofanian).’ (1978:9). 53

Bender breaks down the consonantal restrictions into their articulatory classes such as labials, dentals (coronals) etc. and gives an overview of their positional incompatibility. Bender concludes that these results obtained show that ‘the co-occurrence restrictions are a good Afroasiatic isomorph, though it is see that Omotic is the weak link, and Chadic is also on the weak side.’ (1978:9-10). 54

The outline given of the consonantal compatibility restrictions evident in these languages primarily shows that these restrictions are not just characteristic of the Semitic language family, but of further language families in the Afroasiatic phylum as a whole. Secondly, that the restrictions are gradient in being (i) positional (adjacency of positions I-II stronger than positions I-III etc), and importantly, (ii) articulatory, as the gradient restrictions always involve the coronal consonantal series.

Source: Kirsty Rowan, Meroitic – an Afroasiatic language?, 2006.


Asar Imhotep puts forth:

The mere argument that because an African term has more than one meaning does not give grounds for dismissal of the obvious connections of Egyptian and the Niger-Congo languages.

Mystery Solver replies:

You simply cannot cherry pick one particular meaning of a word with multiple distinct meanings, out of convenience of the occasion at hand and pass it off as the root context, without understanding the underlying figurative nuance. Specific words are not created out of happenstance, whereby in a single language a specific word is invented many times over and where the meanings attached to each is entirely unconnected to the other.

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

This just goes to prove that linguists has the Egyptian language categorized all wrong in the first place. The reason you have so many definitions for the same word is more than likely it is a tonal language, or, as I have argued, it is an agglutinative language that “hides” various verbs and nouns (just like in the names for the land of Ta-Meri –- Kaa in Km.t and in BaKaa - both meaning Egypt). Ra Un Nefer expressed this point on pg 27 of Metu Neter when he brought out the fact there is no way for to ascertain the meaning of a word in Egyptian verbally unless it was a tonal language. For example the Egyptian word “a-au-au” has the following meanings.

Mystery Solver replies:

Having many contexts for a single term doesn't prove that a language is tonal. For instance, though not perhaps the best examples, in English, black could have many distinct meanings like:

'It was a black day'

'He/she has a black heart'.

'It is a black car'

'He sold the gun at the blackmarket'.

'The blacksheep of the family'

"The room went black"

Cloud:

"Don't let this cloud your judgement."

"He has a black cloud hanging over his head"

"The sky is clear off clouds at the moment"

The word here doesn't need any variation in pitch to be understood within the context it's placed, but more so, by its cotext. It is obvious that these terms have some consistent fugartive undertone, nowithstanding the different contexts.

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

Looking for the "root" of the words will NOT give you ANY indication of the many uses of the word and is why your assumption would not stand up to scrutiny in comparing Egyptian to any other language by the criteria you suggest.

Mystery Solver replies:

If you don't know the root of the word, then how can you just stubbornly go ahead and pick one out of its many distinct applications, and then use that as an argument to suggest that this word derived from so and so language, or that this is the shared common root or genetic link between the words from the host language and a foreign language, while ignoring the other different applications that don't seem to support that position? So of course, you have to have an idea of what the possible root of the word is, before you use it comparative analysis and ultimately, if necessary, reconstruct a proto-term for the proto-language.

Another discussant, Wally, puts forth:

5) Prove that the following expressions are NOT genetically/linguistically related:


EGYPTIAN:Bu nafret su em bu bon, "a state of good has become a state of evil"
WOLOF :Bu rafet mel ni bu bon, "a state of good has become a state of evil"

EGYPTIAN:mer on ef, "he loved"
WOLOF :maar on ef, "he loved passionately"

EGYPTIAN:mer on es, "she loved"
WOLOF :maar on es, "she loved passionately"

EGYPTIAN:mer on sen, "they loved"
WOLOF :maar on sen, "they loved passionately"


Mystery Solver replies:

You have to understand the either “neuter” or “genderless” terms, to be able to recognize their counterparts when they appear in gender suffixed or prefixed pronoun forms, as is the case above, with the term “nfr” - which becomes “nfr.t” [as feminine singular]. While some phonological similarity is obviously invoked in certain terms, like the case is between ‘bw” [Egyptian] and “bu” [Wolof], the “underived” or original application of terms must be examined to see if terms like “bw” [Egyptian], which appear to have multiple meanings, were reinvented multiple times [meaning - phonologically similar terms written in the same letters but without any relationship whatsoever] or simply took upon different disguises, with all ultimately converging on a common ancestral basic theme.

I am aware of ’n’ being used as a preposition, an adjective, a suffixed or dependent pronoun amongst its different applications, but not sure how or whether it relates to the term ‘on‘ used in the examples above, given that we are both familiar with the pronoun Egyptian terms [he, she, they] and the verb [loved] in question. If ‘n’ here does relate to ‘on’, then please clarify its grammatical application in the Wolof counterpart, and also please account for “passionately”, which doesn’t appear in the Mdu Ntr counterpart; for instance, is it denoted by some prefix or suffix [perhaps in the term ‘maar‘] or a lone-standing term [as in ‘on‘]. Whatever the case may be, I have a good hunch that it will weaken the seemingly smooth parallelism in the examples, by not repeating that level of parallelism in the substance behind the terms.

While one cannot rule out some level of relationship between the major African super-language phylums [be it through distant common origins or through historic contacts via immigration, trade networks or conflict], which should at any rate be expected and may well explain some similar terms appearing here and there, such links may or may not be strong when the languages in question are *elaborately* studied.

— Concludes.

Relationship between ancient Egyptian and Dagara? Part 1

Revisiting a case put forth by a forum discussant about language relationship between ancient Egyptian [generally placed in the Afrasan language phylum] and Dagara [generally placed in the Niger-Congo language phylum]:

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

In egyptian, some words are formed from this primitive i, all having an affirmative content of "to be". We have:
i: "to be"
i+w: iw: "is", "are"
i+pw, ipw: "it is"
i+nw, inw: "it is"

In dagara there is an identical system, also derived from the primitive i:
i: "to be"
i+na: ina: "to be, to exist"(egyptian: iwn, wn, wnn)
i+nu, inu: "it is"(egyptian: inw, nw, nu)


Mystery Solver replies:

Elsewhere, it is maintained:

‘i‘- suffix ~ I, me, my

And yes, iw ~ is

“pw” (masculine pl.) ~ these, this

“nw” ~ these, this and we also have “nw” ~ time, also “nw” (pl.) ~ belong to

Yes, “wn” and “wnn” ~ to be, to exist.

“sw”, “sy”, and “st” are all alternatives to “it”.

Again, it is a complex matter in Egyptic, and roots of words need to be sought out. Besides, based on this, there is obviously some mismatches between Obenga’s translations and the above.

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

Ancient Egyptians used the suffix -w and -wt for masculine and feminine, respectively:
pr, "house"; prw "houses"
dpt, "ship"; dpwt "ships"

In Dagara, we have:
nir, "man"; nibè, "men"
po, "woman"; pobè, "women"

The element -bè is indeed the element used by Dagari people to express the plural of substantives.

Laymen with no knowledge in linguistics will probably say that although the system is the same, the elements are different as -w,-wt is very different from -bè. That is why one should never draw a conclusion looking at the appearances. Phonetically m/b can evolve into w. Dagara may well have known the forms *niwè and *powè, that would have given the rise to the attested forms nibè and pobè. Actually the pharaonic suffix -w would correspond to the dagara -bè in the same grammatical functions. It is very plausible all the more so since the morphologies are identical.


Mystery Solver replies:

Highly speculative! Just about any language has a means to communicate plurality in one form or another.

Yes, appearances apparently matter, even to Obenga, as he dedicates portions of his lexical comparisons to similarities in lexical appearance, although he tries to argue for genetic basis for such relationship. If Egyptic and these languages come from common branch, one would expect to see not only grammatical cognates shared between the sub-languages of that common branch and Egyptic in attaining plurality, but also lexical appearance of those cognates, which I shall demonstrate in due time, as is exemplified in the case of the functions of “n” and “w” in Egyptic on one hand, and the function of “n” in attaining plurality across the Afrasan super phylum on the other hand. Also, not mentioned here, as it pertains to Dagara, is the grammatic structure of de-neutering terms, so as to attain “masculine” and “feminine” counterparts of a single term. In the Afrasan super family, there is consistency in this structure, along with consistency in lexical appearance in attaining this structure.

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

nfr: "beautiful, good, happy, perfect"
bw+nfr, bwnfr: "beautifulness, goodness, happiness, perfectness"
-bin: "bad"
bw+bin, bwbin: "badness"


Mystery Solver replies:

Yes, “nfr” ~ good, but can also imply “goodness” [Jim Loy, 1998], beautiful or beauty without modification to the term.

“nfrw” ~ goodness [e.g. mnw pw n zj nfrw.f ~ The monument of a man in his goodness - courtesy James P. Allen, 2000] , beauty . This term is apparently the alternative to ‘nfr’ and ‘bw-nfr’, yet doesn’t follow the pattern in question.

Whereas “bw-nfr” ~ good (as noun), as is “bw-bin” ~ bad (noun)

“wr” ~ greatness, yet does not abide by the pattern so-described.

‘bnr’ ~ sweetness, pleasant,
“bw-ikr” ~ excellence, which is not much different from plainly”ikr” ~ excellent, excellence, trustworthy

“bw” also means “place”.

Hence, taking up a few words here and there, without a broader look at the possible alternative uses of single terms, can lead to simplistic conclusions. Obenga himself unintentionally and partly directs us to the complexity of situation in Egyptic, in the following, by acknowledging “nfrw” as an alternative to “bw-nfr” to beautifulness…

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

a) nfr: "beautiful"
bw+nfr bunefer: "beautifulness"

b) nfr: "beautiful"
nfr+w nfrw: "beautifulness"


Mystery Solver replies:

…although, he makes it appear as though it is necessary to have co-occurrence of singular terms to relay the meanings so described; there is no evidence however, that single appearance of the terms in question relay anything different from their supposed co-occurrence. In fact, I’ve just provided an example which suggests otherwise [see above].

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

1)"in,into"
Egyptian: m(m pr: "in the house")
Dagara: mi(zu mi: "in the head")

2)"as"
Egyptian: m(m ssh: "as a scribe")
Dagara: me(me iba: "as a cayman")

3)"and"
Egyptian: n
Dagara: ni (fu ni u: "you and him")

4)"upon, on"
Egyptian: her
Dagara: zu (r/z)(yir zu: "on the house")

The sound correspondances are regular and do match:

m/m
m/m
n/n
h-r/z-(r/z)


Mystery Solver replies:

Yes ‘m’ ~ in; but not quite so simple as that; there is alternative term for it: ‘hr’ ~ in. In fact, Obenga’s repetition of this letter again for a totally different meaning, as the equivalent of “as”, is enough evidence of its use in totally different contexts.

The Egyptic terms for ’and’ from other sources, is “hr” or “hn“ [n with an accent of some sort] ~ and. Haven’t come across any source suggesting “n” ~ and.

Speaking of “hr”, it reappears in Mdu Ntr as the equivalent of “on”, “upon“, “at“, “through“, (conj.) “because“, “and” (with suffix pron.) or “face", which again attests to the problems with cherry picking one context of a single term that could possibly turn out to have one, two or three more other meanings. Again, the root of these terms may well shed light on their origins, and hence, account for parallel designations for the various contexts. Why? Because it is necessary to understand the context of the original term that begat other contexts, and to examine if a well defined figurative undertone accounts for this. With multiple contexts of a single term, one can't simply use it in one convenient context as though it were the root term, without first examining what was just said.

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

In egyptian, n is the first plural personal suffix pronoun (feminine and masculine). Let's suppose a reversed alternation happened between the two situations.

Mystery Solver replies:

Consistency across Afrasan languages is observed, no “reversed alternation“ to speak of.

Suffixes:

--------------Beja-----Arabic----Dahalo-general non-past

I------------->-i<------>-tu<------>-o
you (m.)------>-tia<---->-ta<------>-to
you (f.)------>-tii<---->-ti<------>-to
he------------>-i<------>-a<------->-:i
she----------->-ti<----->-at<------>-to
we------------>-ni<----->-na:<----->-no
you (pl.)----->-tina<--->-tum<----->-ten
they---------->-ina<---->-u:<------>-en, -ammi

Observe the plural suffix pronouns above, where ‘n’ consistently appears in the languages in question.

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

Precisely, in dagara, the second singular personal pronoun is fu, "you". In egyptian, f is the third singular personal suffix pronoun (masculine),"he". It would have been another inversion between dagara and egyptian.

Mystery Solver replies

Whereas in Afrasan we see clear consistency:

Word that ends in:

i = "I, me, my" - per.i = "my house"
k = "you, your" - per.k = "your house"
t = "you, your" - per.t = "your house"
f = "he, him, his" - per.f = "his house"
s = "she, her - per.s = "her house"
n = "we, us, our" - per.n = "our"
tn = "you, your" - per.tn = "y'alls house" best way to show its usage.
sn = "they, them" - per.sn = "their house"
ny(ni) = "our, we two" - per.ny = "We two's house"
tny = "you two" - per.tny = "You two's house"
sny = "those two" - per.sny = "Those two's house"
- posted by Wally

Taking that [Kemetic suffixes] and then comparing it with the above suffixes [from Beja, Arabic, Kabyle and Dahalo], we have:

And the pronominal object suffixes add credence:

-------------Beja---Arabic-----Kabyle
me----------->-i,<--->-o -ni:<-->-iyi
you---------->-ok<--->-ka<------>-ik
us----------->-on<--->-na:<----->-aγ
you (pl.)---->-okn<-->-kum <---->-kən

^Compare with Kemetic examples:

'me' or 'I' ------> -i
'you' -------> -k
Plural suffix pronouns -------> -n

Independent pronouns in Egyptic, do no different:

“ink” ~ I

‘ntk’ ~ you (m.)
‘ntt’ ~ you (f.)

“ntf” ~ he, it
“nts” ~ she, it

“inn” ~ we
“nttn” ~ you (pl.)
“ntsn” ~ they

Suffixes:

--------------Beja-----Arabic----Dahalo-general non-past

I------------->-i<------>-tu<------>-o
you (m.)------>-tia<---->-ta<------>-to
you (f.)------>-tii<---->-ti<------>-to
he------------>-i<------>-a<------->-:i
she----------->-ti<----->-at<------>-to
we------------>-ni<----->-na:<----->-no
you (pl.)----->-tina<--->-tum<----->-ten
they---------->-ina<---->-u:<------>-en, -ammi

The main observation above, is the usual pattern for “t”, in the feminine terms, and reappearances of “n” in the plural terms.

According to Ali Alalou of Columbia University, we have the following "direct object pronoun" examples in "Berber language system" [using Tamazight dialect of the Central Atlas region, namely Imdghas and Dades Valley]:

'him' = 't'

'her' = 'ts'

'them' = 'tn'[Musculine plural]

'them' = 'ttn.t [Feminine plural]

'you' = 'tkwn' [Musculine plural]

Feminine pronoun - appearance of ‘s’

Plural pronouns - addition of ‘n’

Feminine pronouns - characterization by addition of ‘t’.

More object pronoun suffixes in Egypt, alternative to the previous citations:

‘sw’ ~ he, him, it

‘sy’ ~ she, her, it

‘st’ ~ she, her, it

‘n’ ~ we, us
‘tn’ ~ you (pl.)
‘sn’ ~ they, them

Feminine pronoun suffix - again addition of ‘t’

Plural pronoun suffix [both masculine and feminine] - addition of ‘n’

Miscellaneous:

Beja definite article--Arabic noun endings--Kabyle obligatory prefix

------Masculine nominative singular------
[Beja df*] u:- ;[Arabic ne*] -u ;[Kabyle op*] w-


------Masculine accusative singular-------

[Beja df*] o- ;[Arabic ne*] -a ; [Kabyle op*] a-

-------Feminine nominative singular-------

[Beja df*] tu:- ;[Arabic ne*] -atu ;[Kabyle op*]t-

-------Feminine accusative singular

[Beja df*] to- ;[Arabic ne*] -ata;[Kabyle op*] ta-

[Notes on abreviations >

Beja df* =Beja definite article

Arabic ne* =Arabic noun endings

Kabyle op* =Kabyle obligatory prefix]

------>

And now Kemetic terms, starting with the most popular term:

Km [Kem, Kam] ---- Musculine singular

Km.t [Kemet] ---- Feminine singular

Kmu [Kemu] ---- Musculine, assuming the role of an accusative adjective.

Kmu.t [Kemu.t] ---- Feminine, assuming the role of an accusative adjective.

Sa Kemet - male citizen of Kemet ---- Musculine noun

Sa.t Kemet - female citizen of Kemet ---- Feminine noun

Rome n Keme - people of Kemet ---- Muscline noun plural

Rome.t Kemet - people of Kemet ---- Feminine noun plural

Nehesi - [southerner] male ---- Muscline noun singular

Nehesi.t - [southerner] female ---- Feminine singular

Shepsu - the noble ---- Musculine plural

Shepsi[.t] - the noble ---- Feminine plural

What pattern is observed herein? Yes, the re-appearance of "t" in conversion of a term into its feminine form.

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

2) Pharaonic egyptian: Dagara:
ir.t: "eye" djir: "to see"

Yoruba:
iri: "to see


Mystery Solver replies:

Egyptic term to see:

‘maa’ - ‘see’ [Jim Loy, 1998]

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

3) Pharaonic egyptian: Dagara:
nw: "to see, to watch" nyè:"to see"
nwa: "id." wolof: "nau"


Mystery Solver replies:

“nw” in Etyptic ~ of, belonging to [plural]; time; this, these

I can also understand how the glyphs for water can be read as “nw”, designating the plurality of the undulating symbols, nonetheless several sources read this as:

“mw” ~ water

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

4)Pharaonic egyptian: Dagara:
nwy: "water" nyu: "to drink"
niw, "primordial water" Kikongo:
-nwa: "id."
Mbochi:
-nyua: "id."


Mystery Solver replies:

As noted above, alternative term for Egyptic ‘water’ is read as ‘mw’, while ‘nwy’ also has an alternative meaning of ‘return’ [e.g. Russell G. Schuh The Use And Misuse Of Language In The Study Of African History (an interesting read btw for students of African Studies); Jim Loy 1998]

Asar Imhotep puts forth:

6) Pharaonic egyptian: Dagara:
iw: "to come" wa: "to come"
yi: "to come"
Mbochi:
wa.t: "road, way" yaa: "to come"


Mystery Solver replies:

“iw” ~ come; alternatives > “ii” and “nwy”

Enough demonstrations of the multiplicity of contexts that single Egyptic terms can have.

----

Leo Depuydt (Brown University):

1997

The Origin and Development of the Ancient Egyptian Suffix Conjugation

Having been written as well as spoken for more than 4000 years, from about 3000-2500 B.C.E. to about 1000-1500 C.E., Egyptian is the world's longest attested language. A topic that deserves treatment in a comprehensive history of the language is the origin and the development of the suffix conjugation. When it first emerged in writing in the early third millennium B.C.E., Egyptian had two distinct ways of conjugating a verb according to person, gender, and number, or just person and number. The first is the suffix conjugation, in which suffix pronouns effect conjugation.

Suffix pronouns are attached to prepositions and nouns in both Egyptian and Semitic; to verbs only in Egyptian. In the suffix conjugation, suffix pronouns originally mostly follow the verbal stem, like .f "he" in Middle Egyptian stp.f "may he choose." But increasingly, they join a "conjugation base" preceding the stem, like .f in Late Egyptian bwpw.f stp "he has not chosen."

The only other conjugation in earliest written Egyptian was the stative conjugation, generally thought to be related to the West-Semitic Perfect and the Akkadian permansive. The stative conjugation is in a sense also a suffix conjugation. Its conjugation endings are attached to the verbal stem. In the second millennium B.C.E., the stative conjugation gradually lost its conjugation and became a stative form. Conjugation of the stative was henceforth effected either by the suffix conjugation attached to a preceding conjugation base, like .f in jw.f stp "he being chosen," or by a newly evolved proclitic conjugation, the third of a total of three conjugations found throughout Egyptian history, as in twj stp "I am chosen." The stative conjugation is known to Egyptologists also as the Old Perfective or Pseudo-participle; the stative form to Copticists also as the Qualitative.

In Afroasiatic terms, the Egyptian suffix conjugation appears to be an innovation. It is widely thought to have evolved from passive participles. But other theories have been proposed. Since the suffix conjugation appears fully developed in earliest written Egyptian, its origin and evolution belong to prehistory. Postulating patterns of evolution in languages is hazardous enough for the historical period. The present investigation makes statements about the suffix conjugation only in as far as they can be derived from facts from the historical period pertaining to this conjugation. I believe that the available facts have not yet been fully exploited to obtain a satisfactory theory of how the suffix conjugation came into being and evolved.

The passive participle theory remains the most plausible, especially if one considers that analogy must have played a crucial role, as it does in every linguistic evolution. Analogical formations are in a sense mistakes. Languages evolves in large part by error, as it were. But what is owed to analogy has been in danger of discrediting the passive participle theory because it is not logical in a certain sense. It will be crucial to identify that part of the suffix conjugation that derives directly from passive participles and that part that came about subsequently by analogy.

-----

Any family resemblance with Egyptic?…

In his effort to demonstrate the "pragmatics of two Berber morphemes n (the space containing the addressee) and d (the space containing the speaker) and their grammaticalization", Ali Alalou says:

"[wt is a verb which means either 'to hit' or 'to throw something at someone'.]

(1)
Y -wt n wrba aryaz Y -ssigh *i
[threw something at -3p.Ms.Sg][towards the addressee][boy-Sub-Cons.][Man-DO-NotCons.][Hit -3p.Ms.Sg][me]

"The boy threw something at (towards the addressee) the man and hit me"

(2)
Y -wt n wrba aryaz Y -ssigh *agh
[threw something at -3p.Ms.Sg][towards the addressee][boy-Sub-Cons.][Man-DO-NotCons.][Hit -3p.Ms.Sg][us]

"The boy threw something at (towards the addressee) the man and hit us"

(3)
Y -wt d wrba aryaz Y -ssigh i
[threw something at -3p.Ms.Sg][towards the speaker][boy-Sub-Cons.][Man-DO-NotCons.][Hit -3p.Ms.Sg][me]

"The boy threw something at (towards the speaker) the man and hit me"

References:

Ali Alalou (Columbia University) - Two Berber Deictics n & d: From Pragmatics to Syntax

http://lughat.blogspot.com/2005/06/beja-and-beyond.html

Mystery Solver replies and cites:

Consonant Compatibility Restrictions in Egyptic and the Afrasan super phylum - another Pan-Afrasan grammatical trait, and other grammatical affinities:

From Kirsty Rowan, we have:

The first seminal study into consonant compatibility restrictions (or dissimilation) is Greenberg’s 1950b paper. 17 In this study, Greenberg analysed and discussed the evident restrictions between certain consonantal segments in the verbal roots, but not on derived forms, of Semitic languages. His investigation, which included the Semitic languages Syriac, Hebrew, Ugaritic, South Arabian, Ethiopic and Assyrian, was also extended to Egyptian, an autonomous branch of Afroasiatic. This led him to make the important assertion that ‘The general subject of the patterning of consonantal phonemes within the morphemes of Hamito-Semitic [Afroasiatic] languages would seem to be a promising subject of investigation and one whose results must be kept in mind for their bearing on the historical analysis of this family of languages’ (1950b:181). Bender (1978) extended Greenberg’s study to other branches of the Afroasiatic phylum and from the positive results obtained led him to conclusively state that ‘…the co-occurrence restrictions are a good Afroasiatic isomorph…’ (1978: 9

The following sections overview the restrictions that take place in a selection of languages from the Afroasiatic phylum.

3.1 Semitic Languages
18
3.1.1 Arabic

Of all the Afroasiatic languages, Arabic has one of the most well documented phonological dissimilatory processes in terms of its root consonantal system and this has led to many phonological discussions and analyses into these consonantal compatibility restrictions. The fundamental characteristic of Semitic morphology is the consonantal root template, where vowels are inserted between the consonants to make forms according to a CV template (McCarthy 1979). Subsequently, Semitic languages are classed as having a non-concatenative morphological system. The most common root type throughout the Semitic languages is the triliteral root form whereby a root is made up of three consonants, although, Semitic roots can also be biliteral and quadriliteral. Greenberg’s (1950) study specifically dealt with the combinations of consonants that could occur in the triliteral root forms.

A Semitic triliteral root can take the form such as /drs/ made up of three consonants or ‘radicals’. These fixed ordered consonants have a range of templates where vowels are interspersed, depending on the grammatical form, which can also take inflectional affixes, shown in the following example:

(1) a. daras-a ~ ‘he studied’
b. dars-un ~ ‘a lesson’
c. diraas-ah ~ ‘studies’
d. daaris ~‘studying’

Greenberg’s (1950) study showed was that the combination of consonants that can make up a root in Arabic is restricted. There is not a free co-occurrence of consonants. These restrictions depend upon the placement of consonants within a root. Therefore, a triliteral root has consonants in the placement of C 1 C 2 or C 3 positions:


(2)

C1 C2 C3
|  |  |
d  r  s


The adjacency of the positions C1 C2 , and C2 C3 was found to have the strongest restrictions in which consonants could occur, with the non-adjacent C1 and C3 positions still having an avoidance constraint, although a weaker one. Greenberg (1950:162) concluded that not only are identical adjacent consonants prohibited in a root but also that consonantal homorganicity (non-identical consonants sharing the same place of articulation) were strongly disprefered. McCarthy (1979; 1988; 1994) developed Greenberg’s observation, specifically with regards to Arabic, and demonstrated further that the consonant compatibility restrictions were fundamentally determined by the place of articulation and furthermore by the major manner feature of [sonorant] for the coronal place articulator.

(3) a. labials [f, b, m]
b. coronal sonorants [l, r, n]
c. coronal stops [t, d, −t , −d]
d. coronal fricatives [ð, θ, s, z, −s, −z, ]
e. dorsals [g, k, q]
f. gutturals [ , h, , ħ, , χ ]

Fig. 4 shows Kenstowicz’s (1994:163) results table of the distribution of a sample of triliteral roots with adjacent consonants; C1 C2, and C2 C3: 20


(4)

labial   cor.son  cor.stop  cor. fric  dorsal  gutteral
.

labial   0        210       125      138       82      151

cor.son  196      15        122      161      165      208

cor.stop 118      153       7        26       29       105
cor.fric 196      211       58       5        89       168
dorsal   118      167       66       105      1        79
gutteral 211      252       148      182      81       11


The table shows the vertical column represents the first adjacent consonant with the horizontal column representing the second adjacent consonant. The series’ are given of the consonants depending upon their place of articulation. What can be seen from the table is that there is an overwhelming dispreference for two adjacent consonants of a triliteral root sharing the same place specification (diagonal axis highlighted in bold). 21

Furthermore, analyses of the first and third consonants in a triliteral root also show a dispreference for the consonants sharing the same articulator, as shown in the following table, again taken from Kenstowicz (1994:164)
:


labial   cor.son  cor.stop  cor. fric  dorsal  gutteral
.

labial   20       88        53       37       41       79
cor.son  97       76        52       83       47       85
cor.stop 36       53        9        29       28       45
cor.fric 93       127       61       14       46       88
dorsal   74       72        44       53       3        54
gutteral 126      162       66       85       64       37

It is evident that there are a high proportion of occurrences of the coronal sonorant consonants [n, l, r] that can occur in the nonadjacent first and third positions of a triliteral root, subsequently the coronal sonorant set is separated to distinguish between [+nasal].

Conclusively, this data shows that there are consonantal compatibility restrictions in Arabic verbal roots, whereby the occurrence or non-occurrence of consonants is determined by their articulatory place specification.

3.1.2 Tigrinya
Tigrinya is an Ethio-Semitic (South Semitic) language that also shows the same restrictions as Arabic on the occurrences of consonants within a root (Buckley 1997). Even though Tigrinya does not share the exact phonemic inventory as Arabic, it is still seen that the co-occurrence of these consonants rests upon which articulatory sets they are divided into, and again the class of coronals is further subdivided. The Tigrinya inventory has the following classification: (6) 23

a. labials [f, p, b, −−p, m]

b. coronal sonorants [r, n, l]

c. coronal stops [t, d, −t]

d. coronal fricatives [s, z, −s, ]

e. velars [k, g, −k, k , g , −k ]

f. post-velars [h, , , ħ]

Buckley (1997) draws upon a corpus of Tigrinya verb roots and finds that there are no roots containing adjacent identical consonants. However, there are some roots found with nonadjacent identical consonants (1997:12):

(7) sls ‘plow a field for a third time’
l l ‘raise, lift off the ground’
trt ‘tell stories, old traditions’

Although, Buckley points out that some of these roots have known historical origins in roots without identical consonants, such as / sls / is the root for ‘three’ where in Ge’ez it is / ls /. Further, Buckley states that only 12 such roots exist in his corpus of 2744 roots. But what is salient about this data is that the roots with nonadjacent identical consonants nearly always involve the coronal articulator class. Within the coronal sonorant class, Tigrinya makes a further distinction between the feature [+nasal]. As Greenberg (1950:172) noted, the coronal sonorant /n/ can occur freely (whether adjacent or nonadjacent) with /l/ and /r/, but there is a strong prohibition on the liquids /l/ and /r/ occurring together. As Buckley (1997:14) states ‘…the most salient feature among the sonorants is [+nasal], splitting the members into two classes /n/ and /l, r/. Within either class the co-occurrence restriction is absolute in effect, but across the classes the effect is weaker.’ As with the Arabic co- occurrence restrictions, the feature [+continuant] is needed to define two further subsets of the coronal class in that the coronal fricatives ([+continuant] /s, z, −s/) can occur with the coronal stops ([-continuant] /t, d, −t/) but the co-occurrence of these consonants from the same subset is disprefered. 24

In light of the occurrences of adjacent and nonadjacent coronal consonants, this major articulatory class has to have further subdivisions.

Moving on to the velar class of consonants, Tigrinya exhibits an interesting contrast between plain velars and labialised velars. Whereby the co-occurrence of plain velars is strongly prohibited, whether adjacent or nonadjacent, the co-occurrence of labialised velars is more particular. Although in adjacent position labialised velars are prohibited, they can co-occur in non-adjacent position. Buckley’s (1997:15) study does not take into account six suspicious cases of co-occurring labialised velars in quadriliteral roots. He omits these from his analysis because he believes these are cases of historical reduplication of biliteral roots or from a triliteral with infixation (where the same process is attested in Arabic). Furthermore, he proposes that these suspicious cases, and the asymmetry between the plain velars and labialised velars is due to the labialised velars not being inherited from Proto-Semitic, but attributable from borrowed forms from the Cushitic substrate in Ethiopia.

3.1.3 Akkadian
Akkadian is classified as being an East Semitic language of the Afroasiatic phylum. The language, although now deceased, was spoken in ancient Mesopotamia and is known through written records – 2400BC to 100AD. The following classification gives the inventory of the literary dialect of Akkadian (Reiner 1966):

(8) 25
a. labials [p, m, b]

b. coronal sonorants [n, r, l]

c. coronal stops [t, d, −t]

d. coronal fricatives [s, , z, −s]

e. dorsals [k, g, x, q]

Identical adjacent consonants are prohibited in Akkadian verb roots. Again, the root is almost canonically made up of three consonants, although some quadriliteral roots are attested. Reiner (1966:51) states that two adjacent homorganic consonants are also prohibited and puts this non-co-occurrence down to phonotactics as ‘both the first and second, and the second and third consonants of a root come into contact position in some inflectional forms.’ The co-occurrence of consonants that are drawn from the same articulatory set is prohibited in Akkadian. However, the set of coronal sonorants needs further explanation.

Akkadian makes the same distinction within the coronal sonorants of the feature [+nasal] as does Tigrinya. Therefore, the coronal sonorants /r/ and /l/ are prohibited to co-occur in the same root, although the coronal sonorant [+nasal] /n/ is allowed to co-occur with the [-nasal] coronal sonorants /r/ and /l/ but only when it is following - / ln/ or / rn / but never */ nl / or */ nr /. 26

Reiner (1966:50) labels these restrictions as ‘non-reversible’ and gives further instances of non-reversible clusters where these are all instances of consonants from the coronal articulatory set. 27

Further, she states that ‘…this list goes beyond occurrences limited to “root-incompatibility”.’ It is seen in (9) that when there are co-occurrences of coronals consonants, the primary coronal is drawn from the coronal fricative set and the secondary coronal from the coronal stop set and importantly these sequences are prohibited from co-occurring in reverse order (Reiner 1966:41):

(9) /st/, /sd/, /s−t/, /zt/, /zd/, /z−t/, /−st/, /−sd/, / t/, / d/, / −t/,

A further restriction is that two emphatic coronals cannot co-occur:

(10) */−s−t/

Moreover, this restriction on emphatic consonants co-occurring is evidenced when the consonants are drawn from across the articulatory sets. This is known as an instantiation of Geers Law (1945):

(11) */−tq/, */q−t/, */q−s/, */qq/

Reiner (1966:50) points out that it is difficult to discern in instances when these consonantal compatibility restrictions are not respected whether these violations are due to the ‘approximation of foreign words in the vocabulary’ or to ‘actual phonetic realisations.’ Furthermore, she addresses the issue that certain combinations such as /mb/ occur morpho-phonologically as a dissimilation of /b:/ in that /m/ and /b/ are not successive consonants in a root. However, as with other analyses of restrictions in Semitic languages of consonantal compatibility (Greenberg 1950), there are instances of geminated consonants in only second and third positions of triliteral roots but never in first and second position. Generally, this has been attributed to a diachronic process of alteration to the template pattern of biliteral roots transformed into triliteral ones.28

The instances of consonant compatibility restrictions in Akkadian are not restricted to root forms but can also straddle a morpheme boundary when the affix is Derivational. Reiner (1966:51) shows this with the example of the derivational morpheme prefix /ma/ /me/ which is dissimilated to /na/ /ne/ when the root contains a labial consonant. This same process is also evidenced in the Afroasiatic language Tashlhiyt Berber where there is a co-occurrence restriction on derived stems which can only contain one labial consonant, i.e. /b, f, m/. A derivational prefix containing /m/, such as the reflexive or agentive morpheme, will dissimilate from /m/ to /n/ when prefixed to a root that contains a labial consonant in any position (Boukous 1987; El Medlaoui 1995): 29


(12a) Reflexive prefix: m n   (12b)  Agentive prefix: am an

     m-xazar  ‘scowl’               am-las   ‘shear’
     m-saggal ‘look for’            am-zug   ‘abscond’
     n-fara   ‘disentangle’         an-bur   ‘stay celibate’
     n-kaddab ‘consider a liar’     an-azum  ‘fast’

The dissimilative process that can apply across morphemes, however, is not seen in other Afroasiatic languages such as Arabic as Greenberg (1950:179) noted. A root such as ftH ‘to open’ can have the nominal instrument prefix m- attached with no change on the labial quality of the consonants, therefore resulting in the form mifta:H ‘key’. Subsequently, two labial consonants can be adjacent when they belong to separate morphemes.

Akkadian and Berber are languages that apply the consonantal incompatibility rule to a higher order constituent, namely the word, rather than languages such as Arabic where it is restricted to the root.30

And now, examining this pattern in ancient Egyptian:

Compatability restrictions in Egyptic, courtesy Kirsty Rowan...

3.2 Ancient Egyptian
Ancient Egyptian is classified as being an autonomous member of the Afroasiatic Phylum and a such is positioned on its own sub-branch of Northern Afroasiatic. It is the longest continually attested language in the world and is fundamentally known through its writing system which appeared shortly before 3000 BCE and survived, in various stages, until the fifth century CE, although the spoken language was actively used for a further six centuries before being superseded by the Arabic language (Allen 2000).

Ancient Egyptian is a dead language, however, Coptic which is its last spoken phase is still used as the liturgical language of the Christian Coptic church in Egypt. Greenberg(1950b:179) addressed the issue of whether the incompatibility of consonants could be attributed to the Proto-Semitic period through a preliminary examination of Egyptian verbal roots (as Egyptian has such a long documented history), which are also formed by two or three consonants. Greenberg rested his investigation into this on certain series’ of consonants as the patterning of others was too obscure in Egyptian ‘because of the coalescence within Egyptian of consonants originally belonging to different and compatible series and sections’ (1950b:179).

Overall, Greenberg was able to specifically outline the most fundamental restrictions. Further studies on consonantal compatibility restrictions in Egyptian (Peust 1999b; Takács 1996; Watson 1979; Roquet 1973; Rössler 1971; Petráček 1969) have contributed to Greenberg’s (1950b) Egyptian consonantal incompatibility claims. 31

The main findings from these researchers are presented here, with an incompatibility chart taken from Peust (1999b:196). Although, Peust does not discuss the general principles that are behind these restrictions i.e. the restriction into root occurrence whereby there is a fundamental dispreference for identical first and second positional consonants etc. However, Peust’s (1999b) examination does detail how the data is counted.32

He goes on to state that ‘It is therefore to be assumed that the chart actually represents the consonantal incompatibilities as they were valid around the time of the late Old Kingdom. In the early Old Kingdom, not all of these incompatibility rules were already valid. From the Middle Kingdom on, Egyptian integrated a considerable number of loan words which did not conform with these rules, and consequently the system of compatibility restrictions was obscured.’ (1999:195). 33

Furthermore, the restrictions that Peust posits surely include the incompatibility of nominal forms as well as verbal (this is not explicitly stated but can be seen through his small use of data), whereas Greenberg and Watson kept to the analysis of only verbal forms. Consequently, I believe this can, at times, contradict the claims of incompatibility made by these scholars, as Greenberg outlined when looking at the incompatibility of Semitic roots ‘It is therefore striking that so many Semitic substantival roots have identical first and third consonants.’(1950b:168).

To be continued in Part 2.

Tuesday, May 13, 2008

Anti-Semitism: The logic behind the Word — Is it sound?

"Anti-Semitism" as a term, seems to have become a word too loosely used in the mass media and possibly everyday language, especially in the so-called "West", wherein not much thought is given to the literal lingual basis of the word.

A little bit of historical perspective on this term:

Wilhelm Marr coined the term “anti-Semitism” in 1879 in his The Victory of the Jews over the Germans, which appeared in 12 editions in one year. His publication blamed the Jews for threatening to dominate the German economy and destroy the greatness of Germany


Source: 19th Century Antisemitism

This fellow, Wilhelm Marr, at least seems to be contextualizing the term—that is, "anti-Semitism"—in a relatively less questionable linguistic framework, whereby he takes what he basically treats as a social identifier (namely Jews) for just a section of the overall German society, and places it into the context of Jews vs. Germans, with the latter apparently being non-Semitic speakers. Thus here, on the basis of relativity, the anti-Jewish sentiment that was prevalent amongst sections of Germans, can to some extent be safely branded as "anti-Semitism". But today, it has become something of a tradition in "western" media to casually accuse anyone who so much as levies any criticism—rightfully or otherwise against even just a section of "Jews"—of being "anti-Semitic", while some of those very same media accusers are the most vociferous purveyors of anti-"Middle Easterner" and/or anti-"Arab" [many of whom by virtue of language are Semitic-speakers] sentiments in the "West"; yet, none of these personalities will ever charge themselves with "anti-Semitism".

Not too long ago, Hollywood personality Mel Gibson was blasted in the mass media for babbling on about Jews being "responsible for all the wars in the world" while ostensibly under the influence of alcohol. He was widely accused of “anti-Semitism” in major U.S. "news" networks!

Don't know, but the last time yours truly checked, Arabic language speakers and various ethnic groups in the African Horn were also considered "Semitic" language speakers.

Obviously not all Jews are Hebrew speakers, at least as far as their primary tongue is concerned, nor are all Muslims “Arabic” speakers. With that said, especially in "Western" mass media, right-wing extremist elements (often referred to as "Islamic terrorists") which profess allegiance to the Muslim faith and ordinary Muslims alike—two separate matters which "western" media often make little-to-no distinction between—have become the focus of rabid sensationalism, saturated with negative coverage, with both media pundits and public figures going so far as to outright call for the systematic racial profiling of "Middle Eastern"-looking and/or "Arabic" speaking individuals, supposedly on the grounds of "national security". Given that these so-targeted persons are for the most part ‘Semitic’ speakers, should such hostility towards them too not be deemed "anti-Semitism"?—Is doing otherwise, not a blatant hypocrisy?

On this last note, the present author recently came across an article where someone accused Rev. Wright—the subject of much U.S. media attention throughout the progress of the Democratic party nomination process, particularly so at the beginning of May—of "anti-Semitism", and this is how it went:

“Reverend Wright’s views are an eclectic mixture of black nationalism, radical criticism of US foreign policy and conspiracy theories, with a dollop of anti-Semitism—or at least tolerance for the anti-Semitism of figures like Farrakhan—thrown in.”


Whatever the political leaning of Rev. Wright, good or bad, the little that the present author has come to learn about the man warrants that this charge of "antisemitism" be given a second look, so as to examine the premise of such a chargeat the very least, raise questions about the basis for it. So, in pursuit of an answer, the present author decided to correspond with the author of the citation above as follows:

I would like to first point out that I don't know a whole lot about Rev. Wright as a person, never met him, nor listened to much of his sermons—save for the few from which the now familiar controversial “sound bytes” were extracted and replayed ad nauseam in various news outlets, not to leave out that I'm neither his defender nor his opponent.

That said, much of what I just cited you on [above] doesn't appear to be an unreasonable observation of Rev. Wright, at least based on the little that I know of him. However, I do have a question about “...the dollop of anti-Semitism—or at least tolerance for the anti-Semitism of figures like Farrakhan—thrown in.” part of your assessment; what is this charge of “anti-Semitism” based on?

Rev. Wright for his part, as he appeared “live” on the various News network channels, clarified that he doesn't necessarily agree with Farrakhan on everything, notwithstanding his friendship with the latter—relating that to the audience by noting that no two people in a single room will share the same view on everything, and said this:

“Louis said 20 years ago that **Zionism, not Judaism**, was a gutter religion. He was talking about the same thing United Nations resolutions say, the same thing now that President Carter's being vilified for and Bishop Tutu's being vilified for. **And everybody wants to paint me as if I'm anti-Semitic because of what Louis Farrakhan said 20 years ago.**

He is one of the most important voices in the 20th and 21st century; that's what I think about him.... Louis Farrakhan is not my enemy. He did not put me in chains, he did not put me in slavery, and he didn't make me this color.” — by Rev. Wright, Courtesy CNN

Note: ** is for emphasis.

Rev. Wright goes onto to say something to the effect of the need for people to work together, despite religious [and presumably ethnic] differences. “Zionism” is certainly not “Semitism", nor “Judaism” is “Semitism” the last time I checked...or am I wrong about that?

“Semitic” in modern terms, is generally a reference to a language phylum that is said to be an offshoot of language super-phylum which has its origins in eastern Africa. Hebrew is generally considered to be a “Semitic” language, which would make its speakers—“Semitic speakers”, but so does the same apply to other languages that belong to this phylum; namely, Arabic, and various Ethio-Semitic languages like Amharic, Tigrinya, and so forth; therefore, speakers of any of these languages are by language definition, “Semitic-speakers”. Should it then follow, that criticism of any member of these people amounts to “anti-Semitism”? If not, why not? Also, while Zionists tend to be Jewish [whether as a socio-ethnic construct and/or religious construct], does that mean that all Jews are Zionists? Likewise, are all Jews necessarily “Semitic speakers”?

Perhaps I have gotten a little carried away with the line of questioning, but I hope the point is obvious. Therefore, please clarify the “anti-Semitic” aspect(s) of Rev. Wrights views.

 

To piggyback on the citation above, Zionism is obviously not Judaism, nor are all Jews "Zionists".

Now, unless yours truly is missing something here, the subsequent failure of the above-mentioned author to fulfill that request raises some serious questions about the validity of this charge of "anti-Semitism" and the level of care with which it was levied!

Tuesday, May 6, 2008

Examining cases for or against homoplasy at designated DNA loci

Part of this topic is a carry over from the earlier topic of 12-repeat allele at DYS392 microsatellite of certain PN2 clades, including E-M78 [clickable link]

Argument #1 about the 12-repeat all at DYS392 : Characteristic of homoplasy...

— seems to reappear in different subclades of M78, particularly in regions where M78 appears to be fairly frequent [Cruciani et al.'s emphasis, 2008], but almost always doesn't seem to appear in all the haplotypes of the respective subclades where it makes its appearance.

Argument #2: Characteristic of a relatively stable site and hence, a part of the hereditary package of a monophyletic unit...

— while not necessarily geographically restricted, it appears to be sharply geographically-structured, with preponderance in eastern Africa, particularly sub-Saharan East Africa. [Semino et al. emphasis, 2004]

— occurs in E-P2*, E-M35*, and E-M78 but is almost *absent in all other haplogroups* [Semino et al. 2004]

— an ancient differentiation of the E-P2 haplogroup occurred in loco (East Africa). However, this also implies a low mutability of the associated microsatellite motif (DYS392-12/DYS19-11) [Semino et al. 2004]

high stability of the DYS392 locus (Brinkmann et al. 1998; Nebel et al. 2001) and of the shorter alleles of DYS19 (Carvalho-Silva et al. 1999) has been reported elsewhere.[Semino et al. 2004]

The first argument seems pretty self-explanatory, but let's take a quick look at the second one:

If we are to assume that this was the product of an ancient differentiation of E-P2* in loco — East Africa, one which is not that of homoplasic events, then one has to account for the 12-repeat allele's absence in subsets of haplotypes of the various E-P2 derived clades. If it were just about the E-P2* clade alone [sans the major downstream mutations], then the geographical structuring of the slightly differentiated E-P2 paragroup via the 12-repeat allele would be sensible, as it would have been after the fact of the P2 mutational event and carried by a single individual common recent ancestor.

However, this scenario would imply that the descendants of the just-mentioned common recent ancestor should have inherited the 12-repeat allele. Now, since downstream mutational events at M35* and M78 are supposed to represent single events, it ought to not make sense that some M35* and M78 lineages have the 12-repeat allele while other chromosomes of those same markers don't—again, that is if the 12-repeat allele is treated as a highly stable locus, which became part of the hereditary package of a Pn2*-bearing common ancestor. But...

...what if, one were to account for the above-mentioned inconsistency, by suggesting homoplasic revertant mutational events in M35* and M78 chromosomes at the DYS392-12 locus; this would tend to weaken that argument about the "low mutability" of the DYS392-12 locus, which seems to be one of the points of the second argument, but an important one. Though the 12-repeat allele does appear in chromosomes ancestral at either sites of M35 and M78, the latter are highly unlikely to be products of reoccurring nucleotide polymorphisms, because they have long been demonstrated to form a monophyletic unit [branch] of the Pn2 clade, with each forming their own sub-branches.

On the other hand, the overwhelming preponderance of the 12-repeat allele in ancestral P2 clades and its derivative clades in East Africa, particularly sub-Saharan East Africa, does seem to favor its origin therein, if the 12-repeat is to be treated as a reasonably stable locus which is a part of the hereditary package of a Pn2*-bearing [lacking the major downstream mutations associated with the M215 and the M35* phylogeny] common ancestor. One thing that the aforementioned "preponderant" distribution of the 12-repeat allele-bearing Pn2 clades in east Africa does less arguably demonstrate, is the commanding frequencies of the aforementioned three main Pn2+ clades in east Africa.

On another case study, Cruciani et al note:

We recently refined the phylogenetic relationship
between markers M215 and M35, which identify the
human Y chromosome haplogroup E3b in Underhill et al.
(2001). In the new topology of the Y chromosome tree, the
E3b haplogroup is defined by M215, E-M35 becoming a
subhaplogroup of E3b (E3b1) (Cruciani et al., 2004). We
also showed that a subhaplogroup of E-M35, E-M78, is
highly valuable for understanding the male-mediated
gene geography of Eurasia and Africa. We described short
tandem repeat (STR) alleles useful to define clusters of
related haplotypes within E-M78 (Cruciani et al., 2004),
single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) which validate to
a large extent the same clusters (Cruciani et al., 2006),
and the geographic distribution of the E-M78 subclades
defined by the above markers in 517 subjects (Cruciani
et al., 2007). Dating results and population inferences
based on the above data set relied on the assumption of a
monophyletic origin of the C to T mutation at M78.

In an interesting paper recently published in the Journal,
Fernandes et al. (2008) present data on the typing of
130 E-M35 subjects for SNPs and STRs. They suggest
that three cases of equality in state at 11 STR loci between
pairs of chromosomes belonging to different E-M35 subclades,
denote the repeated occurrence of mutations at
M78 and M81, as either forward or reversion events.
In
addition, the authors prompt caution in using novel
arrangements of SNPs supported by a reduced number of
subjects as new clades, and thus reject the novel branching
pattern and the ensuing nomenclature proposed by
Cruciani et al. (2004) for the E3b (E-M215) haplogroup.


Here, we introduce a novel polymorphic marker (V68),
potentially useful to investigate the issue of hidden recurrent
mutational events at M78. V68 is an A to C transversion
obtained with the primers V68 FOR (50-CAACTGAAAAT
CAGAACTTTGG) and V68 REV (50-GTGGATCACGAGG
TCAGG). In discussing the position of V68 within the Y
phylogenetic tree, we retain the haplogroup nomenclature
based on the defining mutation (The Y Chromosome Consortium,
2002).

A total of 239 male subjects of African ancestry, previously
analyzed for the allelic state at the E3b (E-M215)
markers (Cruciani et al., 2004, 2007), were assayed for
V68 in order to assess the position of this marker in the Y
chromosome phylogenetic tree. The subjects represented
the four main E-M35 sub-clades (E-M78, E-M81, E-M123,
E-V6), as well as the E-M35*, E-M215*, and Y(xM215)*
paragroups, and were selected to equalize, when possible,
the number of chromosomes within each haplogroup/paragroup.
Thus, they do not faithfully represent each clade’s
frequency in the overall population sample (see Fig. 1).

The results shown in Figure 1 unequivocally assign the
marker V68 to the same branch as M78. For the time
being, the two markers are phylogenetically equivalent.
These results are strong evidence against the presence, in
our sample, of homoplasic M78 derived alleles, as well as
possible M78 revertants. In fact, in the first case any non-
M78 chromosome undergoing a recurrent M78 forward
mutation would result in an apparent E-M78 chromosome
carrying the ancestral allele at V68, a situation not yet
observed. The mirror event, a M78 reversion to the ancestral
state, would produce E-V68 chromosomes ancestral at
M78, again a pattern not yet found. The finding of the yet
unidentified chromosomes described earlier for either scenario
would raise two alternatives, i.e. the presence of a
novel Y tree branch resulting from the phylogenetic resolution
between V68 and M78, versus a recurrence/reversion
event. While the low mutation rate for single nucleotide
substitutions usually favors the first hypothesis (identifying
SNPs as Unique Event Polymorphisms, or UEPs)
(Underhill and Kivisild, 2007), the recurrence/reversion
hypothesis can be nevertheless considered. In this case,
the analysis of the involved SNP loci at the level of nucleotide
identity is mandatory.


Present author's take:
According to the extract, Fernandes et al. 2008 have reservations, but no mention is made of an actual refutation of Cruciani et al.'s argument about a strong link between V68 allele and M78 UEP—representing a monophyletic unit, and about either nucleotide polymorhisms—that is, M78 and V68—having the hallmarks of a UEP as opposed to relics of homoplasic events. To put it in the words of Cruciani et al. themselves, this argument "cannot be questioned until compelling evidence is put forward."

At any rate, this is a study that will likely be revisited here for further examination, as more details of the study come to attention, and as reactions from peer-reviews are publicized.
_________________________________________________________________
*References:

—Semino O. et al., Origin, Diffusion, and Differentiation of Y‐Chromosome Haplogroups E and J, 2004.

—Cruciani F. et al. 2007, Tracing Past Human Male Movements in Northern/Eastern Africa and Western Eurasia: New Clues from Y-chromosomal Haplogroups E-M78 and J-M12.

—Cruciani F. et al. 2008, Recurrent mutation in SNPs within Y chromosome E3b (E-M215) haplogroup: A rebuttal